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feats the Persian
213 Κύρος μέν νυν τών έπέων ουδένα τούτων ανενειχθέντων εποιέετο who kills himself. .
λόγον. ο δε της βασιλείας Τομύριος παίς Σπαργαπίσης, ώς μιν ό τε οίνος ανήκε και έμαθε ίνα ήν κακού, δεηθείς Κύρου εκ των δεσμών λυθήναι έτυχε ώς δε ελύθη τε τάχιστα και των χειρών
εκράτησε, διεργάζεται έωυτόν και δη ούτος μέν τρόπο τοιούτω 214 τελευτα: Τόμυρις δε, ώς oι ο Κύρος ουκ εσήκουσε, συλλέξασα Battle Τα πάσαν την έωυτής δύναμιν συνέβαλε Κύρω. ταύτην την myris de
μάχην, όσαι δή βαρβάρων ανδρών μάχαι εγένοντο, κρίνω Arand ισχυροτάτην γενέσθαι και δη και πυνθάνομαι ούτω τούτο γενόkills Cyrus. μενον πρώτα μεν γαρ λέγεται αυτούς διαστάντας ες αλλήλους
τοξεύειν" μετά δε, ώς σφι τα βέλεα εξετετόξευτο, συμπεσόντας τησι αιχμησί τε και τοϊσι εγχειριδίοισι συνέχεσθαι χρόνον τε δή επί πολλών συνεστάναι μαχομένους και ουδετέρους εθέλειν φεύγειν, τέλος δε, οι Μασσαγέται περιεγενέατο ή τε δή πολλή της Περσικής στρατιής αυτού ταύτη 7°και διεφθάρη, και δη και αυτός Κύρος τελευτά βασιλεύσας τα πάντα ενός δέοντα τριήκοντα έτεα: ασκόν δε πλήσασα αίματος άνθρωπηίου Τόμυρις έδίζητο εν τοϊσι τεθνεώσι των Περσέων τον Κύρου νέκυν ως δε ευρε, εναπήπτε αυτου την κεφαλήν ες τον ασκόν, λυμαινομένη δε τω νεκρώ επέλεγε τάδε «Συ μεν έμε ζώουσάν τε και νικώσάν σε μάχη απώλεσας παϊδα τον εμόν ελών δόλω, σε δ' εγώ, κατάπερ ήπείλησα, αίματος κορέσω.” τα μεν δή κατά την Kύρου τελευτής του βίου, πολλών λόγων λεγομένων 706, όδε μοι ο πιθανώτατος είρηται.
735 αυτού ταύτη. See note on iii. 25. and a horse every month to offer to Cyrus :
706 πολλών λόγων λεγομένων. CrESIAS and their office was hereditary. DiopORUs, made Cyrus die in consequence of a wound however (following some other author than received in action with the Derbices, under his general authority, Ctesias), incidentally a king Amoræus. They are assisted by mentions that Cyrus was killed in action Indians with elephants, who frighten the by a queen of the Massagetæ, and his horses of Cyrus's cavalry. He is rescued body crucified: and ONESICRITUS, pilot from impending defeat by Amorges, who of Alexander's fleet (ap. Strabon. X. c. 3, comes up with an army of Sacæ, but dies p. 321), describes the so-called tomb in on the third day after receiving his wound a very different way from Aristobulus,(ap. Photium, p. 37). ARISTOBULUS (ap. making it ten stories high instead of two, Arrian. vi. 29) professed to have visited and stating that the inscription on it was the tomb of Cyrus at Pasargadæ, which a Greek hexameter verse in Persian chahad been plundered during the absence of racters; in which case it could hardly have Alexander in India, and to have replaced been more than a cenotaph, erected not some fragments of the body in a golden earlier than the time of Darius. XENO. sarcophagus, which the robbers had opened PHON, in the Cyropædia, makes Cyrus and vainly attempted to break up. A col. die in his bed of old age : but this work lege of Magi were, as he says, appointed can only be regarded as a kind of novel, by Cambyses to watch this tomb, and -of authority for manners but not for allowed a sheep per day for maintenance, facts,—although in this particular instance
Μασσαγέται δε εσθητά τε ομοίων τη Σκυθική 187 φορέoυσι και 215 δίαιταν έχoυσι. ιππόται δε είσι και άνιπποι, (αμφοτέρων γάρ ΚΒ.σ.lo μετέχουσι 788,) και τοξόται τε και αιχμοφόροι, σαγάρις νομίζοντες
Massagetæ έχειν 789. χρυσό δε και χαλκώ τα πάντα χρέωνται όσα μεν γάρ ες αιχμάς και άρδας και σαγάρις, χαλκώ τα πάντα χρέωνται όσα δε περί κεφαλήν και ζωστήρας και μασχαλιστήρας, χρυσά κοσμέονται ως δ' αύτως των ίππων τα μεν περί τα στέρνα χαλκέους θώρακας περιβάλλουσι τα δε περί τους χαλινούς και στόμια και φάλαρα χρυσώ. σιδήρω δε ουδ' αργύρω χρέωνται ουδέν ουδε γάρ ουδέ σφι εστι εν τη χώρα και δε χρυσός και ο χαλκός άπλετος '10. Νόμοισι δε χρέωνται τοιουσδε γυναίκα μεν γαμάει έκαστος ταύτησι 216 δε επίκoινα χρέωνται και γάρ Σκύθας φασί "Έλληνες ποιέειν, ου are often. Σκύθαι εισί οι ποιέοντες αλλά Μασσαγέται 11, της γάρ επιθυ- to the Seyμήσει γυναικός Μασσαγέτης ανήρ, τον φαρετρεώνα αποκρεμάσας προ της αμάξης μίσγεται αδεώς. ουρος δε ηλικίης σφι προκέεται άλλος μεν ουδείς επεάν δε γέρων γένηται κάρτα13, οι προσήκοντές οι πάντες συνελθόντες θύουσι μιν και άλλα πρόβατα άμα αυτό εψήσαντες δε τα κρέα κατευωχέονται. ταύτα μεν τα όλβιώτατά σφι νενόμισται τον δε νούσα τελευτήσαντα ου κατασιτέονται, αλλά γη κρύπτουσι συμφορών πoιεύμενοι ότι ουκ ίκετο ες το τυθήναι. σπείρουσι δε ουδεν, αλλ' από κτηνέων ζώουσι και ιχθύων. οι δε άφθονοί σφι εκ του 'Αράξεω ποταμού παραγίνονται γαλακτοπόται They are δε εισί. θεών δε μούνον ήλιον σέβονται, τω θύουσι ίππους 715. Bor
he is confirmed by Dinon (ap. Ciceron. sand of the streams in the Altai MounDe Divinat. i. 23), who makes Cyrus tains, from whence it would be carried by come to the empire at the age of forty, traffic far and wide. The Ural range is and die at that of seventy.
much nearer to the plains which Hero707 ομοίων τη Σκυθική. See note 677 dotus had in his mind; but it is only above, and that on iv. 26, αναμίξαντες recently that those mountains have been πάντα τα κρέα.
known to yield gold. With regard to the 108 αμφοτέρων γάρ μετέχουσι, “For brass, it has been found that the arms disof both are there tribes occupying parts covered on opening any of the ancient [of the great waste].” Understand barrows in Northern Asia have been inτινές. Some of the race which inha- variably of that metal (RITTER, Erdkunde, bited the flanks of the mountains (see ii. p. 796). STRABO, quoted in note 685) would be 711 ου Σκύθαι εισι οι ποιέοντες αλλά άνιπποι, while the nomads of the western- Μασσαγέται. See note 677. most part of the plains would doubtless 712 επεάν δε γέρων γένηται κάρτα. Α be ιππόται. For the use of the word similar practice is attributed to the Isseμετέχoυσι, see note 686.
dones, the neighbours of the Massagetæ, του σαγάρις νομίζοντες έχειν. See note iv. 26, where see the note, and to another on vii. 64.
people, iii. 99. 710 και δε χρυσός και ο χαλκός άπλετος. 7i3 τω θύουσι ίππους. That the sacriThe gold might be obtained from the fice of horses was commonly practised by
νόμος δε ούτος της θυσίας των θεών το ταχίστω πάντων των θνητών το τάχιστον δατέoνται.
the Persians seems to follow from the upon the flesh of the animals which they statement of ARISTOBULUS given in the employ for the purposes of locomotion ; note 706, above. Possibly the “sacred and the sacrifice was probably a neverhorses mentioned in § 189 may have failing preliminary of a flesh-meal. Hence been intended for this purpose (see vii. apparently the origin of the Persians 114), although it seems more likely that eating the camel and the ass (§ 133). they were a relief for drawing the chariot The custom doubtless grew up in the of the sun. But all nomad tribes feed times when they were nomads.
In the ancient kalendars there were two distinct points which required attention; the one, the adjustment of the civil month to the motions of the moon; the other, that of the civil year to the motions of the sun. Of these two there can be no doubt that the former was in early times regarded as by far the more important. It was the lunar month by which the religious festivals were regulated; and the inconvenience occasioned by the discrepancy between the conventional new moon and the natural one would make itself felt more strongly from the circumstance, that the neglect, however involuntary, of public religious rites in any particular was conceived to draw down the wrath of Heaven upon the land. Aristophanes puts this superstition in his jesting way in the “Clouds” (vv.558—68) making the Moon send a message to the spectators by the Chorus, complaining of the irritation of the gods at finding nothing provided for them on days when, according to her reckoning (on which alone they could depend), they had a right to expect a feast; and, on the other hand, at having their times of fasting or mourning for Memnon or Sarpedon, or some other hero, indecently disturbed by the riotous festivities of mortals. Not only religious festivals, however, but commercial proceedings also, were regulated by the lunar month, or rather by the civil month founded upon it. Money was lent at interest by the month, and accounts settled at the end of it. Agricultural operations meanwhile, and navigation (which depend upon the seasons of the year), were determined not by any reference to the civil kalendar, but by the rising or setting of certain constellations ; or by the appearance
or the cries of birds, such as the swallow, the cuckoo, the crane, or the kite. Allusions to this habit abound in Aristophanes, showing decisively that the rude methods of determining the season of the year which Hesiod gives prevailed generally in the time of the Peloponnesian war, although just before its commencement the foundation of a better system had been already laid.
The determination of a civil lunar month which shall agree at first pretty closely with the natural lunations is not at all a difficult matter. If twelve months be taken alternately of 30 and 29 days, twelve of them will amount to 354 days; and this was the Athenian civil year
for some time after Solon. Twelve lunations amount to 354 days, 8 hours, 48 minutes, and 34 seconds; so that it would be nearly three years before the difference of a day would arise between the natural and the conventional new moon. But this difference would continually increase, the system having no principle of correction within itself; and in the course of little more than forty years the vovunvía katà gelývnu (as Thucydides calls the natural new moon, ü. 28) would fall upon the fifteenth day of the civil lunar month.
The discordance between a civil year consisting of 354 days and the solar year, consisting of 365ļ, would very early force itself into attention ; and a system called the octaeteris, or cycle of eight years, was invented for the purpose of correcting it. This object was effected by intercalating a month of 30 days, a second Posideon, three times in the course of the eight years,-generally in such a way as to make the third, the fifth, and the eighth consist of thirteen months. This would give 8 x 354 +90 (=2922) days for the cycle, which is the exact amount of eight years of 365 days each, and consequently the civil lunar year would every eight years be brought into agreement with the solar year.
But this advantage would be purchased at the expense of one which, according to ancient habits of thinking, was even more important,--the approximation of the civil to the natural lunar month. The octaeteris of 2922 days is not equivalent to 99 lunations, which amount to nearly 2923) days: and consequently a kalendar regulated on such a principle would neither correct, nor to any important extent retard, the continually increasing difference between the civil and the natural lunar month. The obvious course would be to interpolate three days in the course of 16 years, and this, it is said, was