of diplomacy based on the giving of justice. "I have found," said Dr. Mathews, "Japan so full of noble sentiments, so eager for the best things in our Western world, while yet so loyal to the best heritage of her past, that I have not only admiration for her scholars and statesmen, but the highest hopes for her national expansion. . . . I believe she has in large measure the future of Asia in her keeping. I feel it a test of Japan's true greatness. Will she repeat the lessons taught by European policies in Asia . . . or will she give the world a new and epoch-making lesson in sacrificial internationalism, in which, while protecting her own future, she shall, with the hearty co-operation of America, also safeguard the rights of a huge, unshaped people bravely trying to tread the same path she herself has trod?"

The United States and Japan are rapidly acquiring the same civilization, the same ethical point of view, and are together facing the problem of a new Asia. Every thoughtful person in the two nations should strive to protect this fellowship from disturbance by injustice and suspicion. "The United States should do justice to Japanese in America. It should co-operate with Japan as the leader and teacher of the new China through its periodic development."

This is a noble interpretation of the opportunity of Japan and of the wise and statesmanlike policy which the Japanese have it in their power to enforce in their relations with China. It is true, as Baron Kato recently said, that the West is holding Japan to standards to which it has not always conformed in the past, but a new age is coming, and Japan has a chance to lead the way. She may now gain the confidence of the whole world; she may protect herself, serve another country in its time of need, and reestablish the dignity and influence of Asia in the world.

Last September Lieutenant Sherman Kiser, of the United States Philippine Scouts, and two friends of his from New England, sat in a room over the odoriferous pearl exchange in Jolo, capital of the Sulu Archipelago, turning the pages of a book of photographs of American Boy Scouts.

As he

looked at the album, which had been brought from the United States by his tourist companions, the idea struck Lieutenant Kiser

that the Boy Scout idea would "take" in the Philippines.

The young officer had been ordered to Zamboanga, a Moro town in southwestern Mindanao. As soon as he had settled there

he gave his idea rein. It was a nondescript company of children which responded to his invitation. Both sexes were represented. Some of the youngsters were clothed only "in the sunshine of a smile," but all were ready to make a trial of the new notion. A number were chosen, and the elect went for a hike. They sat down in the shade of a grove of cocoanut palms on a gentle slope of turf and listened to a description of a Boy Scout and an exposition of Scout laws. They decided that they would like to be Boy Scouts.

Each of the brown-skinned lads was provided with a khaki Scout uniform of lightweight material suited to the climate. The campaign hat went with it. The "little brown brothers " were now ready for the Scout oath. They deemed it a serious moment when they took their places in a semicircle around the officer of the Philippine Scouts, and, standing straight, shoulder to shoulder, every eye fixed upon the white man in the center, they raised their right hands with three fingers extended upward. The attitude of every boy showed that he realized the significance of the oath he was taking.

Now came the test. Were the Boy Scout principles adapted to the nature of Mohammedan boys of such antecedents as had these ? In other words, were they like other boys? They proved that they were.

"The boys are so interested and work so hard, they have done more already than I had planned for six months," Lieutenant Kiser wrote to a friend less than two months after organizing the troop. They seem to understand everything with only one explanation. They follow me around and watch me as if I were a most wonderful being. I have to be very careful of my acts in their presence because they think I am perfect. I gave them a set of boxing gloves a few days ago. You should see them box. light as cats and certainly clever. had a couple of lessons in the destruction of bugs and worms that damage the cocoanut trees. Besides they are daily putting the Boy Scout laws into action. I also bought some large baskets, brooms, garden rakes, and grass cutters, and the boys are attempting to clean up their village. By bringing

They are They have

them up to the Post and showing them our clean roads and houses they have been helped a lot. I am going to have them make me a special call at my house to-morrow afternoon, and I am going to treat them as if they were well-bred gentlemen.

"I think that if the Boy Scouts could have plenty of good masters here in the Philippines it would do more toward the civilization of these peoples than anything else I know of, because so much more can be done with the boy's mind. I have noticed with my Boy Scouts that I can get them to do anything without the least trouble They are more keen about the things that are instructive and worth while than they are about the worthless. They seem eager for knowledge.'

Not only did the boys learn how to protect the valuable cocoanut trees against the attacks of parasites and to conduct clean-up campaigns, but they put their instruction in first aid to the injured into practice upon a dog with an injured leg, one of the earliest known instances of a display of kindness to dumb animals on the part of a Moro boy. More than this, they so behaved that the antipathetic attitude of the white population of Zamboanga toward them was changed to one of marked respect. They had become clean little Scouts. One army doctor was so impressed that he gave each member of the patrol a first aid kit. It is recorded that when the troop was formed the boys wanted guns, but as they became imbued with the spirit of the Boy Scout laws they forgot entirely their interest in firearms.

A boy's a boy for a' that, even if he is a Moro boy. And, according to the proverb, the boy is father to the man.

MAKING ONE DOLLAR

INTO TWO

"The

About a month ago, in the story One-Armed Man Finds a Job," there was given in The Outlook an account of what a church in New York City-the Church of the Heavenly Rest-had been doing to provide employment for unemployed men and at the same time to prepare material for the relief of the wounded in the world war. A similar work for the relief of those suffering from the war and for unemployed women has been carried on by a settlement in New York City-the East Side House.

This is another example of making one dollar do the work of two.

It started last fall when the settlement

employed two women to make some hospital garments destined for France. Very soon there were eighteen women employed. The purpose was twofold-to relieve the strain of unemployment in that particular corner of the city, and to extend that help to the destitute in Europe and in our own country. A wage of one dollar was paid to each woman who applied and was found to be in desperate need.

The way it worked may be indicated by an example. One friend of the settlement sent a check for fifty dollars. Knowing that the donor was sending all that he could spare to his relatives in Holland to take care of refugees, those in charge of the settlement wrote, asking if they should make children's garments to be shipped to Holland. The donor replied: "Yes, by all means; but I did not expect to get anything for my money." Another donor sent a hundred dollars. was discovered that he was sending a surgeon to Servia; so the women made pajamas, nightshirts, convalescent garments, and bandages to add to his equipment. In each instance. the donor was surprised to find that the money he gave was able to provide an equivalent to be given somewhere else.

It

One or two other examples might serve. Not all the gifts have been in money. One merchant, for instance, has given a thousand yards of woolen material.

One

And all this has meant, not relief merely for suffering in Europe, but enormous relief for those who have been busy making these garments and bandages and the rest. woman had been deserted by her husband and was left with three children to support, and there were other women who were widows or wives with husbands out of work. And it has not been merely the money but the sense of co-operation and service that has helped to restore these women to vigor and hopefulness. One day during a cold period in the winter a woman appeared half frozen, her only garments being a dress and a pair of shoes. That night each woman in that room, out of the dollar that she had earned, gave fifteen cents to this woman in distress; and one of them who had received as a Christmas gift a warm petticoat took it off and gave it to her.

The East Side House settlement, at Seventysixth Street and the East River, which has been doing this work, has issued a price-list so that one can order articles to be made. For example, a donor wishes to send some cloth

ent misfortune is the Washington Administration's attitude towards railways; and that under such conditions other systems, like the Atchison and the Burlington, for example, cannot survive, but must in time become insolvent. The Atchison and the Burlington may be called competitive roads with the Rock Island; they run through somewhat better territory and have greater borrowing power, but they have been having the same kind of treatment, both from the Federal and State governments, as to rates imposed, and yet have been growing steadily stronger. This is not saying that both the Federal and, especially, the various State governments may not often have proceeded drastically and unfairly towards the railways; but why throw the blame for the Rock Island's present predicament on the United States Government?

FREDERICK W. SEWARD

Frederick William Seward, who died on April 25, eleven days after the fiftieth anniversary of the assassination of President Lincoln, played a dramatic part in the frustration of the complete fulfillment of the conspiracy that had aimed at the murder of several of the leaders of the Lincoln Administration, besides the President himself.

On April 14, 1865, Mr. Seward, as Assistant Secretary of State, took the place of his father, William H. Seward, the Secretary of State, in a Cabinet conference on reconstruction. That evening, while the comedy on the boards at the Ford Theater was giving way to the tragedy enacted in the Presidential box, Mr. Seward was severely injured in an attempt to protect his father from an attack by Lewis Payne, a fellow-conspirator of the man who killed the President.

Frederick W. Seward was born at Auburn, New York, on May 8, 1830. After graduating from Union College he went into law and journalism. He was Assistant Secretary of State, under Presidents Lincoln and Johnson, from 1861 to 1869, and later held the same position in the Cabinet of President Hayes. He was intrusted with or participated in several important diplomatic enterprises, including the special mission with Admiral Porter to negotiate treaties with the West Indies, the Alaskan purchase, and the negotiations to obtain a harbor in Samoa for American vessels. When not engaged in National affairs, Mr. Seward was usually an active figure in New York State politics. He was the author of the "Life and Letters of William H.

Seward" and of his own "Personal Reminiscences," which he ordered should not be published until after his death, and which it has been predicted will throw new light on the stirring times during which Mr. Seward lived at Washington.

OPIUM

For seven years, through three Administrations, and in the face of much indifference, not to say opposition, our Department of State has carried on a campaign against the use of demoralizing drugs throughout the world.

To-day the work stands complete. During the last of the seven years three striking events have marked it.

First, the announcement in the British Parliament that the Indo-Chinese opium traffic had been brought to an end.

Second, the signing of the final protocol at The Hague, which puts an international agreement into effect over a vast field. When the remaining signatures are affixed, the use of vicious drugs will be regulated from one end of the globe to the other. It was ap

propriate that this freeing from bondage should have taken place on the birthday of a man-Lincoln-who freed from bondage an entire race. The final protocol was the outcome of the international conference which had recently met at The Hague, and which, like the other conferences there, aimed at the uplifting of humanity through peaceful channels. It was the last conference to meet at The Hague before the present war broke out. Third, the passage of a bill in Congress to regulate the inter-State traffic in habit-forming drugs. The bill became law on the 1st of March last. It was the fourth of the bills outlined by Dr. Hamilton Wright, who, as delegate to the Shanghai Commission in 1909 and to the later Hague Conferences, has had the opium campaign in charge for the State Department. The first bill prohibited the import of opium except for medicinal purposes. The second and third bills prohibited its import and export. The final legislation limits its inter-State transportation.

Specifically, it prohibits all persons from selling or giving away harmful drugs except on physicians' prescriptions. It provides for the registration of opium or coca leaves, and any compound, manufacture, salt, derivative, or preparation from them, and for the imposition of a tax upon all persons who distribute them. A physician's order is now necessary to the dispensing of remedies

which contain more than two grains of opium, or more than a quarter of a grain of morphine, or an eighth of heroin, or one grain of codeine. The Act makes it a crime punishable by five years in prison or a two-thousanddollar fine, or both, to have opium in one's possession unless a license has been taken out from the Collector of Internal Revenue, which licenses are, of course, confined to physicians and druggists. Any one who has not been registered and who is found with any of the drugs above named in his possession is deemed presumptively guilty of a violation of the Act. No person who has not registered and paid the tax may deliver any of these drugs from any State or Territory to any person in any other State or Territory.

HABIT-FORMING DRUGS

The friends of the Act prophesied great benefit to the country in general from it, and to the "dope fiend" in particular. But there were others who predicted that to the habitual users of drugs it would work harm not offset by counterbalancing good.

What has been the record ? In the first place, the act has thoroughly scared and greatly diminished those habitual users. Secondly, the Act has brought a greater sense of responsibility to those who prescribe and particularly to those who sell drugs. Every time that a preparation containing any notable proportion of habit-forming drugs is prescribed or sold exact registration must be made, thus imposing strict legislation on the legitimate trade in drugs for purely medicinal purposes.

Ap

On the other hand, those who ought to know claim that the rise in price of opium, due to the difficulty in obtaining it, has enormously increased drug smuggling into this country, especially across the Mexican border. parently anarchic in everything, Mexico has no drug traffic regulations in her own territory and no agreement with the United States. Hence many unlawful drug dealers and users are still able to obtain what they want. Again, there has been an increase in the number of "catarrh cures," 'cough mixtures," and other preparations coming under the exemptions above mentioned. These preparations not only afford an opportunity to very mild users of drugs to continue their habits, but also afford an opportunity to others of beginning a dangerous acquaintance with cocaine and heroin.

The law's administration leaves much to

be desired. Officials have not been prompt and businesslike enough in furnishing physicians with necessary credentials, and the prison care of drug victims has often been brutal, because such persons, instead of being segregated and handled as a group, have had to mingle with the other prisoners and have been treated in the same general

manner.

But with all these drawbacks the two months' experience of the new law shows that it marks a notable change in the direction of greater National control of what has come to be a crying National evil.

THE THEATER AND THE CRITIC

Dramatic critics in New York City are in trouble again. One has lost his position on account of his criticisms, still another is barred from entrance to one of the theaters. "Happy are they," said Shakespeare, "that can hear their detractions and can put them to mending." Which sentiment may have had a good deal to do with the genius of the "myriad-minded" Elizabethan, for Shakespeare in his time was often criticised as a man, actor, and dramatist. Long before the age of Shakespeare criticism of the drama had stirred resentfulness among the writers for the theater. Euripides, it is told, was wont to rebuke Athenian journalists who had the temerity to criticise his plays. Clashes between critics and the writers and producers of plays are as old as the drama itself. "L Critics," wrote Horace, "still argue, and the court's in doubt."

Yet, as Professor Brander Matthews has pointed out, the fundamental principles of the drama are the same throughout the ages; and it appears that dramatic criticism also throughout the ages has been much the same as now, and equally resented by those who had to do with the production of plays. "The fundamental principles of the drama,' says Professor Matthews, . . can be discovered in the plays of Sophocles as well as in the plays of Shakespeare; in the plays of Molière as well as in the plays of Ibsen."

The critic in every generation has come in for his share of criticism. Richard Brinsley Sheridan, in his comedy "The Critic," aimed some biting satire at those who write of plays. In "Fanny's First Play" George Bernard Shaw, himself once a critic, pokes considerable fun-and very good fun-at the members of the critical craft. He has one character

in the play say of a critic, Quite human. I was surprised." And in another place he has a character refer to a critic as a person who "is helped out positively by a slight turn for writing, and negatively by a comfortable ignorance and lack of intuition which hide from him all the dangers and disgraces that keep men of finer perception in check." All of which is apropos of the agitation newly reopened by one play-producing firm in New York against dramatic critics. A number of commentators would seem to be of the impression that such opposition to unfavorable criticism of plays is a product of this time and has an unhealthy significance. A half-century ago, Taine, referring to criticism, wrote: "This trade of calumny was in vogue fifty years ago; in fifty more it will probably have altogether ceased." But within the last decade so distinguished a critic as William Winter has had to give way before the opposition of theatrical producers to his reviews of their plays. Such capable writers as Alan Dale, Samuel Hoffenstein, and Acton Davies fought against the opposition made by play producers. Walter Prichard Eaton, a magazine writer of note, recently has been excluded from a New York theater; and now Alexander Woolcott, the critic for the New York Times," has had to appeal to the Supreme Court for permission to attend the performance at a theater from which he had been barred by the management because of an unfavorable review written by him of a play the same managers had produced.

What makes this case of unusual interest is that the "Times" has backed up its play reviewer by invoking the aid of the Supreme Court, and that the theatrical producers in question inserted an advertisement in several New York newspapers appealing to the public not to believe anything they read in the reviews of a play produced by them. This announcement had to do with a certain play which they feared the critics might misinterpret.

The fact of the matter is that the play in question is a stupid, inutile English version of a German farce that might better have been left unwritten. It lacks all the elements that would commend it to theater-goers. The performance has but one interest, and that is the acting of that picturesque Flemish player Lou-Tellegen, who first came to this country as leading man to Madame Sarah Bernhardt. His reading of the English text has much charm, though he is given to an