can scarcely be compared with the new influence, which the Reformation brought to bear on modern civilization. The mind of man freed from religious ty rranny sought, in accordance with the laws of its own being, to realize this freedom in other departments of activity. Freed as it respects its relation to God, it could not long remain, on the score of mere consistency, a slave to man. This subjective tendency then has been the ruling power in history since the sixteenth century, and has to a greater or less extent, rendered every other interest, the church, the state, and cultivation in general, subject to its sway. Within the range of this new era, America, with its peculiar modification of life, stands forth in intimate connection with this newly established-world-influence.

Our intellectual life partakes as largely of the modern spirit, as our activity under any other aspect. In this country knowledge has doubtless increased, but mainly under the influence of the subjective influence already referred to. Every branch of knowledge has received attention, and the progress in what are called the sciences, for so youthful a country, is great indeed. There is, however, as great a want of unity in our intellectual pursuits, as there is in our political or religious existence. Sciences are studied as something separate and independent of each other, and no attempt is made to refer them to some central point, around which they are to revolve, and where they may be seen in their proper relation to each other. Different departments of knowledge are made to embrace separate spheres of existence, as if all existence did not form a whole, that cannot be separated without violence. Science and revelation are still made to oppose each other as well as elsewhere. This state of things has its cause in our European origin. In ancient times when other influences were operative, it was the aim of philosophers to bring all knowledge into a circle,-to harmonize its ap. parently jarring interests. This was the office of philosophy as something distinct from science, or the investigation of a particular branch of knowledge. Cicero calls it the parent of all the sciences. In the speculations of Plato, different branches of knowledge are organized into a most beautiful system, all springing from a central unity. His system has always been admired for its comprehensiveness and compactness. He ruled in the in

'Neque enim te fugit, omnium laudatarum artium procreatricem quandam, et quasi parentem, eam, quam philosophiam Graeci vocant, ab homiBibus doctissimis judicari.-DE ORATORE.

tellectual world, with the highest authority, for at least a thous and years, and among the most various and opposing systems, as it were by the magic of his name maintained his sway. From the ninth century, his scholar Aristotle, succeeded him in influence, whose system aims at a similar authority over the domain of knowledge, though it has been supposed to possess less unity. These attempts at philosophizing were to a great extent failures, which is no more than what might be anticipated under the circumstances. To have presented an organic system of knowledge, would have been as impossible, as to have written a perfect Geography of the world, before the discovery of America by Columbus. The subject-matter of knowledge had not as yet been traversed. There were continents that had not as yet been discovered. Revelation had not been made known, or it shone with but a glimmering light. But the object kept in view was right and proper. It is the aim of knowledge to reflect the universe around in the totality of its parts; the mind cannot rest satisfied, until it can see ideally the great world. spread out before it it is therefore unjust to condemn the ancient schools without a limitation. If they were inferior to us in details, they were superior to us in a more important respect. Under the subjective tendency of modern times, philosophy, or this general science, began to lose its credit more and more. the Baconian system, there seems to be no room left for it at all. Indeed in his two celebrated tracts upon philosophy, it is his object to explode it altogether, and to substitute in its place, in the natural sciences at least, his method of induction. He discards all a priori reasoning as fallacious, and fruitful in errors. Under the influence of Locke, all intuitive notions or ideas are attempted to be forever banished from the sphere of science. The weight of these two names has been sufficient, to make their numerous disciples heartily doubt, whether there is such a thing as philosophy in the ancient sense of the term. By the great mass of English and American minds it is stoutly resisted. Its aid or assistance in the pursuit of knowledge, is entirely rejected. It is supposed to be the parent of all mental aberrations, and the errors of the ancient schools are all laid to its charge. In this country knowledge has increased, but as a general thing, under the influence of this foreign tendency. 'It is here as elsewhere fragmentary, and to a great extent divorced from religion, where it should find its centre. It is successfully used for the defence of error, and is often prostituted to the vilest purposes. Our political life, for which we are often disposed to claim the credit of originality, is also intimately connected with influences, that were at work in Europe previous to our existence.

In

After the downfall of the empires of antiquity, civil power became an object of secondary importance in the world. Another interest, the Church of Christ, enlisted the affections of men. After the Roman Empire there arose no political power, worthy of being compared with it. The reign of Charlemagne was partial; it extended over but a part of the world, and at his death crumbled into ruins. It was succeeded by the Germanic Empire with youthful freshness under Otho. But during the thousand years of its duration, it had never arrived at any degree of compactness, and like its predecessor, was limited in its rule. Under Gregory VII, and Innocent III, it was subject to the spiritual power. In the case of all these struggles after political centralization, there was little else, but an aping after the empires of antiquity, a struggle after something, which was passing away. Under these circumstances the Reformation commenced its action upon the State. Government received a modification from the new tendency called forth in the religious world. It received a new aim, and began to be animated with a new life. Instead of being designed as an instrument for selfish purposes, for external grandeur and effect, it was directed, as in the case of religion, to the individual, and was required to elevate him in his social position.

In England more than in any other country, Politics was more evidently modified by the principles of the Reformation. The reformation of the church in this country was of a two-fold character. It was on the one hand conservative; it sought to accommodate the new form of faith to the established order of things. Henry VIII was willing to reform the English Church, provided it could be extricated from the power of the Roman See; further than this, he made little account of the principles of Luther. The views of Queen Elizabeth were of a similar character in regard to the reformation of the church. This state of things served to awaken on the other hand a more radical reformation, among the lower classes, who clamorously advocated not only the doctrines of Calvin, but also his system of church Government, which is the most perfect form of republicanism. Corresponding to these religious movements, we find reflected upon the outward world, similar political movements. It is sometimes thought that the rise of liberal principles in England during the seventeenth century, was owing to Puritan influence entirely, whilst their opponents were the advocates of despotism, and tyrranny. Such a view, however, does injustice to history, as well as to the facts in the case. The Revolution of 1649 was doubtless occassioned by the leaven of Puritanism,

and Cromwell, who was at the head of it, stands in an inseparable historical connection with its religious tendency. But the Restoration under William, Prince of Orange, a born republican, with its accompanying blessings to England, was mainly owing to the enemies of Cromwell and his Puritan allies.

In France the republican tendencies of the Reformation, began to be manifested at an early period. But in this country, there were individuals at the helm of power, who could descry their influence at a distance, and make provisions to keep them there. With the politicians of France, Calvinism was synoni-, mous with the overthrow of despotic power. They were consequently willing to bear upon their national character the disgrace of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and the slaughter of St. Bartholomew's night, with their attending horrors, rather than to allow the silent operation of principles, which they felt must eventually overthrow their authority. But though France by dint of persecutions, the most hateful in the annals of time, succeeded in warding off to a certain extent the progress of relig ious, and with it civil freedom, she was obliged to yield at length to that power, which was moulding the destinies of the world. The progress of liberal principles had been checked, but not repressed. They came at length, but with what unexampled violence did they seize the nation! The French Revolution was the fruit of bigotry and intolerance. It came later than the English Revolution; it was also more violent, because the internal forces had been gathing for a longer period.

A similar improvement in the political condition of other nations in Europe might be noticed. But no where had the spirit of the age an opportunity to run its course in that part of the world. The genius of its ancient superstition and tyrrany still lingered around its massive ruins, and awed the hand of the innovator, as he attempted to erect a structure after the modern style. Europe, covered over with the deeply interesting associations of the past, was not an arena for the display of a new world-historical power. It were a more easy matter to arouse ancient Babylon from the tomb of Empires, or cause Palmyra to smile again in her lonely desert, than to expect that she, crowded with memories of her ancient splendor, should have again resumed a youthful activity, and become the centre of a new civilization. It was but the other day that she disappointed the high-wrought expectations of many in this country, and now she bids fair to run through her cycle, only to give room to more youthful nations to solve the problem of the world's destiny. For the exhibition of a new phasis of humanity, it seemed nec

essary that some more congenial spot should be obtained. For this purpose America was discovered, and just about the time, when the spirit of the Reformation awoke.

Every where in this country progress in the political relations of man may be discerned,-improvements far in advance of the old world; yet every where the spirit now so active in Europe looks forth. Whilst we have our individual rights secured to us in an eminent degree, a onesided individualism is fearfully at work in both sections of the country. A process of disintegration is going on, that requires our united energies to resist. Division and distraction are the order of the day. Unity has so few attractions, that the constitution of our country, which askı but little sacrifice from the individual, meets with no approbation from some. The dangers to our country from the direction referred to, were pointed out by the acute De Tocqueville in his work on Democracy in America a few years ago, and subsequent experience has proved his observations to be just. During the political tempest through which the country has just passed, the tendency of our political life came to light. We seemed to be on the eve of returning to a complete atomic state. Still the principle of unity prevailed, showing that we have not entirely lost our regard for what is objective in politics, and giving us encouragement to believe, that our existence is not destined to result in what politicians call, a political blunder.

It is beginning to be regarded that American freedom sprung up from the germ deposited by the Pilgrim Fathers on the shores of Plymouth. This is usually the burden of speeches delivered at new England dinners. We meet with individuals in all parts of the Union, who speak of "our Pilgrim Fathers," though they have not a drop of Pilgrim blood coursing their veins; so that we might be led to suppose, that the heterogeneous population of this country, German, Irish, French, and Anti Puritanic, would by and by claim paternity at their hands. We think that other parts of the Union acted equally as prominent a part in the establishment of our Institutions, and deserve to be held in equal remembrance. It is but necessary to refer to Virginia, in order to substantiate the truth of this statement. The original settlers of Virginia were of quite a different mental complexion from that of the Puritans. They were for the most Englishmen, descendents of opponents of Cromwell, and represented a distinct tendency in the progress of civil liberty. So we might refer to Maryland, which was founded under Catholic auspices, where the spirit of liberty was ripe at the outbreak of the Revolution. Pennsylvania, which was settled mainly by persons of