Quay, Matt, a Presidential candidate, 171. 297-Speaker Reed unable to control House, 2, mo- South Carolina, income-tax bill rejected, lynchers ac- Utah admitted into the Union, 23, Senators admitted, Venezuelan imbroglio, war opposed by Henry George, Gen. Miles, the South, 1; international peace mes- ABROAD. GREAT BRITAIN:-Maj. Ricarde-Seaver on the future of Michael Hicks Beach declares that England will *483. FRANCE: Jules Simon on arbitration, 169, decease, SPAIN Hannis Taylor complains of depreciation of AUSTRIA-HUNGARY -New anti-Semitic municipal coun- BULGARIA:-Conversion and baptism of Prince Boris, BRAZIL: Rio News on South American friendship for ARGENTINE REPUBLIC:-Sugar protection development, SOUTH AFRICA:-Matabele uprising, 317, President Krue- Notes. Announcements, 12, 33, 54, 77, 99, 119, 138, 157, 177, Bolyai, Jáncs, Halsted's translation of, 122, Wilhelm Chaucer's Fquire's Tale owes nothing to Marco Polo, Donne's Poems, edited by E. K. Chambers, 255-Ed- England, Cheyney's Social Changes in, in 16th Century, 101. Wylle's History under Henry IV., 325, English Freeman, E. A, discovered by H. d'Arbois de Jubain- Gallenga, Antonio, deceased, 14-E. de Goncourt's Italian popular sacred drama, 102, Italian Chamber of King, Rufus, Life and Correspondence, vol. ill., 291. General Marceau, Johnson's Life of, 218-Adolf Oxford degrees for women, movement for, 178. Quain's Anatomy, 218. Röntgen, Wilhelm Conrad, electrical photography, 101, R. Rosière on Contemporary Poetry, 456-Russia, Verlaine, Paul, deceased, 122-Vienna medical writing The Complete "Faust" on the German Stage.... 340 The German Quarter-Centennial. 184 Two New German Tragedies...... 451 British Gulana -A Colonist on the Venezuelan Boundary Question 72 The Caribs of Guiana 198 Assembly of Gods (Triggs's Lydvate's)... Days of Auld Lang Syne (Maclaren's) 181 Death-Wake (Stoddart's). 201 895 Finance, Lesson in 448 Free Trade in England... 467 French Claims Veto.. 449 Pope Alexander VI.'s Bull, and the Treaty of Munster.. Australasia-Tasmania.. French National Assemblies and The Maoris 318 95 250 Congress. Furness, William Henry 114 Gentlemen, Political 450 German and Irish Crime and Disorder.... 268 Guatemala Described by Caivano... Hayes and McKinley. Germany, Press and Government in. Gold Standard Assured.. 49 336 282 91 248 300 Inspectrix, The.... 411 231 Japan-Political Development in Ja Henderson Ex-Senator, on McKinley 428 Homoeopathy in Government.. Immigration, Foreign, In Close Touch with the People.... Intention in International Relations. 301 Revenue Measures in Japan Occasional Correspondence pan.. Party Politics in Japan. 94 875 414 468 Aucassin and Nicolette Aus Meinem Leben (Vegt's). Australasian Colonies, (Jenks'e) History of.. Aventures de ma Vie (Rochefort's).. 217 Avery Architectural Library Catalogue... 33 Barantzova, Vera (Kovalevsky's).... 162 Barnard, F. A.P,Fulton's) Memoir of 330 Bayern unter dem Ministerium Montgelas (Moulin Eckart') Beautiful Houses (Gibson's) Belgium. (Desirée's) Renai-sance of Sculpture in Berlin, (Dahms's) Litterarisches.. Bibliographie Historique (Langlois's) 492 Bibliomaniac, (Field's) Love Affairs of a Bilderatlas zur Geschichte der Deutschen Nationallitteratur (Konneck's).. Baltimore Up to Date.. International Bimetallic Agreement, Book-Worms.. 154 189 305 490 Biological Lectures and Addresses Drawing in Art, (Moore's) science of 239 (Marshall's). 435 Dumb in June... 202 Birds, (Headley's) Structure and Life of.. Earth's Enigmas (Roberts's). 398 332 That Ecboes from Sabine Farm (Field's) 203 .177, 197 Jingo and the Money Market. College Term.. 198 6 Jingoes and the British Case.. Colter, Jobn Bismarck und die Parlamentarier (Poschinger's). Ecole Saint Simonienne (Weill's) 895 99 210 415 Laureates and Poets.... 26 Columbia College in 1770. 377 Literary Crisis...... Corinth, Exploration of. 99 283 Literary Property Once More. Correction. A... 472 874 MeKinley and Bayes 282 Cotton Crop, Present. MeKinley, Ex-Senator Henderson on. Cuba Libre.. Bismarck-Museum (Strecker's).. 307 Black Spirits and White Cram's)... Bloomer, Amelia, (Bloomer's) Life of. 395 Bonheur de Ginette (Martel's) 196 Bookbindings (Matthews'). 181 Education en Angleterre (Parmentier').... 378 270 64 Education et instruction (Brunetère's).. 77 McKinley in Principle and in Sche 428 Cuba, Recognition of. dule... Dentists in Society. 249 McKinley, Meaning of.. Enemies of Mank nd 294 Book-hunter in London (Roberts's). 137 Bookplates, Ladies' (Labouchere's).. 139 490 Book-Prices Current, American, Eng 204 Education, (Hir sdale's) Studies in. 491 Egypt, (Salih's) Churches and Monas 76 232 lish. 159 McKinley Nominated.. England's Civilizing Power. teries of. Egyptian Decorative Art (Petrie's). 323 147 484 53 Book Sales of 1895 (Scott') 454 Egyptian Tales (Petrie's) 323 McKinley's Oratory.. France, Schools in, before the Revo 466 McKinley's Silence.. lution.. 76 390 Made in France. "Gallo". 231 Majorities, Fatal.. Glaz d Paper, Reason for. 266 76 Manoa Company. Guatemala, The Good Name of. 5 176 Books and their Makers during the Middle Ages (Putnam's).. 32 Books, (Pennell's) Ilustration of.. Boss (Tyler's).. Ekkehard (Scheffel's). 121 422 Electricity, (Benjamin's) Intellectual 239 Rise of 16 Militarism in a Republic. 190 Monroe "Doctrine". Halle, Faculty of the University of... Hard Case 157 B ston Public Library Handbook (Small's) 235 Elementar- Mathematik (Holzmüller's) 34 90 Monroe Doctrine, Development of... Heine's Solitude. 434 157 4 Morton, Governor, and the Platform "Pired Man". 354 157, 177, 197, 269, Boston Public Library, (Fenollosa's) Mural Paintings in. 416 306 Morton's, Governor, Position.. Hutchinson's, Thomas, Strictures Bougainville, (Kerallain's) Jeunesse Elizabethan Sonnet-Cycles (Crowe's) 491 Elizabeth, Queen, (Hume's) Courtships of. 418 216 336 de.. Institutes and Novellæ National HoDor... 47 National Insanity 192 New Mexico Twenty-two Years Ago.. 337 New York City, Future of... Jefferson's Draft of the Kentucky Resolutions.. 54 Brain, (Donaldson's) Growth of. Briefe und Schriften (Bülow's). 260 England. (Ransome's) Advanced His141 tory of 242 Jingo Geography. 156 British Policy. (Seeley's) Growth of. 346 England, Feudal (Round's). 329 54 New York, Greater... 319 Jingo History... Brother and Sister 342 97 ne Issue Disposed of.. ་་་་ 282 Jingoism, The Hotbed of. Burman, The 216 England, (Cannan's) History of Local Rates in.. 472 32 391 One-Man Power in America.. King's, Rufus, Correspondence. 322 Pensioner and his Dollar..... Pigeon-holed Knowledge. 47 Kirchhoff, A., Testimonial to.. 448 Leighton, Lord Burns, Robert, in Other Tongues (Jacks's) 311 England in 16th Century. (Cheyney's) Social Changes in 101 54 Butler, Joseph, (Gladstone's) Works England under Henry IV. (Wylie's).. 325 196 of. Platforms.. Platt's Legal Position.. Pocket vs. Patriotism.. Popular Loans and Syndicate Loans.. Light: A Discrimination.. 191 Lodge's Jin o History 174 Lessening of Difficulties... 410 240 England's Darling (Austin's) 437 California of the Sou h (Lindley and Widney's). 197 England's Wealth Ireland's Poverty (Lough's). 421 97 48 112 Mackay, Capt. James. 215 Press, Unfortunate Magazine Writing, Careless... Campaigning in South Africa and Egypt (Molyneux's). Englischen Sprache, (Klöpper's) Real 382 Lexikon der 378 Prosperity's Advance Orator.. 355 Maryland Colors of 98 466 Railroad Cases, Two.. Monarchism, Insidious 76 410 Naked Bed.... 32 Reciprocity, Policy of.. 266 Republican Morality, Failure of.... Republican Nominee... 172 National University at Washington.. Need of a New Review 288, 342, 359 76 138 484 Negro Folk-Lore.. Republican Platform at St. Louis. Road to Victory. 484 Normal Schools, Debasement of.. 12 318 Root of the Trouble.. Objet-Lesson Rule of Thumb.... 70 Paine, Thomas, Unpublished Letter 305 454 450 of Salvation, Good American. 118, 488 Selence, the Real Conquests of. 190 Parthenon Inscription. 154 Sectional Issue Disposed of. 391 Senatorial Dignity. Personal Fiction and Fact.. Pidgin Spanish....... 230 Sberman Statue... Silverit 8 Divided Plagiarist Transatlantic 450 Protection-by Annexation. 354 Rock-Fishes, Concerning. 485 Rossetti, Christina, Memorial to.. 92 Russian Bryce.. Seward and the Monroe Doctrine. 153 Seward vs Cleveland. 212 Sliver Propaganda.. 112 Smith, Adam, on Prohibitory Duties.. 855 Southern "aupers and Races.. 322 Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought 139 96 Childbo d, (Sully's) Stu les of 58 China-Japan War (Vladimir's), 476 287 Chitral, (Younghusbat d's) Relief of. 204 269 Chitral, (Beynon's) With Kelly in... 294 98 Cholera, (Koch's) Bacteriological D1agnosis of. Christian and Leah (Kompert's).. 458 Chronicles of Count Antonlo (Hope's) 458 Clarence (Harte's) 323 Chemistry, Analytical (Menshutkin's) 196 Chemistry, Theoretical (Nerust's) 118 Chess Novelties (Bird's). 12 402 105 Episcopate in America (Perry's).... 277 Erlanger Burschenschaft (Reuter's).. 479 Erstlingswerkes, Geschichte des.... 177 Esquisses Mexicaines (Heard's)....... 289 Esther (Blunt's) 202 269 Chess Sparks (Ellis's). 894 Chester, Old (Crickmore's) 105 167 Etudes Littéraires et Morales (H6mon's)... 395 Europe in Africa in 19th Century ....... 222 (Latimer's). 18 Evolution and Man's Place in Nature alderwood's)... Evolution in Art (Haddon's). 423 239 433 262 118 415 181 Excursions in Libraria (Powell's).... 460 442 144 157, 176 Collateral and Direct Inheritance 1axes (Dos Passos's). 441 Far Eastern Question (Chirol's).. 313 800 201 NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JANUARY 2, 1896. The Week. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND'S friends were pointing on the following Wednesday and Thursday to popular approval of his war message as its sufficient justification. They have since learned a thing or two about the real popular sentiment of the country, and are now quite ready to drop that argument. But even if the blare of the first week had kept up, it would but have intensified the President's guilt. His vast powers were put in his hands, as Burke said of the war powers of the ministers of the Crown, "as a sacred deposit, to secure us against popular rashness in plunging into wars." Thus the yell of the mob is itself the condemnation of the ruler who evokes it. As Burke adds: "It is no excuse at all for a minister who, at our desire, takes a measure contrary to our safety, that it is our own act. He who does not stay the hand of suicide is guilty of murder." Sir Robert Walpole was forced, against his better judgment, into the war with Spain, in 1739, by popular clamor. That was an immensely popular war. Yet what was the testimony, a few years later, of the men who bad excited that clamor and compelled Walpole to go to war? "None of them," says Burke, " no, not one, did in the least defend the measure, or attempt to justify their conduct. They condemned it as freely as they would have done in comment. ing upon any proceeding in history in which they were totally unconcerned. Thus it will be. They who stir up the people to improper desires, whether of peace or war, will be condemned by themselves. They who weakly yield to them will be condemned by history." The anti-war meeting at Cooper Union last week was as large as the great hall could hold, and as enthusiastic for peace and as full of indignation over the wardance at Washington as it is possible to conceive. Not over 10 per cent. of those present were out of harmony with the speakers. The Jingo press, and especially the Tribune, gave mendacious reports of it in order to magnify the numbers of those who came to create a disturbance. They sought to belittle the demonstration, which was here given in an impromptu way, of the Christian spirit and sound sense of New York. This meeting was called suddenly. The hall was not secured until a late hour on Saturday evening. There were no posters and no bands of music. There had been no time to collect a crowd in the usual way. Scarcely any notice of it had been given in the newspapers. Yet the people came in larger numbers than the hall could contain, and they cheered the speakers to the echo, and fairly drowned with applause the few dissenters who came to make a own. So. Ge • the row. The latter were tolerat natured way, but they oug been expelled by the police, ringleaders ought to have been lodged in the Tombs. It was not their meeting. They can hold a meeting of their They have a perfect right to do They had no right to come and disturb Henry George's meeting. Mr. George is entitled to the greatest credit for this demonstration. He hired the hall, obtained the speakers, and procured the little advertising that it had, and himself made a powerful and effective speech in the interest of peace and common sense. The slow coaches of the Chamber of Commerce might well take pattern from him. good-field, not on paper, he has only words of have reprobation for those who are crying, 66 'On to war! Any kind of a war so long as we have a war!" Gen. Miles spoke with great earnestness of the absolute need of a general conviction that a war was just, before the possibility of the American people's going into it or succeeding in it could be thought of. It was a needful warning, too, which he gave the citizens of Philadelphia, with their commerce of $100,000,000 a year, when he reminded them that not a single modern gun stood between them and the sea. Of course, Gen. Miles could say nothing of current war alarms, but his significant plea for peace and moderation, coming from such a source, is most timely and welcome. A fortnight ago, though, the Jingoes would have been clamoring for his Mr. George asked the question, how many of the people knew a month ago where British Guiana was. The answer was an outburst of laughter all over the house, which was equivalent to saying that none of them or very few of them did know. Mr. George frankly acknowledged that, a month ago, he did not know himself. There was no more reason a month ago, or even a week ago, why people should know where British Guiana is, than where Griqualand is, or the Transvaal Republic. How many people know to-day where the Rand gold mines are? The newspapers have teemed with accounts of these mines, and of the "Kaffir circus," for a whole year, yet if a map of Africa were laid before the audience that filled the hall of Cooper Institute, or any other mixed audience, not one in fifty could put their fingers within a thousand miles of the place; and no blame to them for that. Richard Cobden once said that not one in ten of the fellows of Oxford University, if they had a map of the United States before them, could tell where Chicago was, or come within a thousand miles of it, although 25 per cent. of the inhabitants of Great Britain obtained their food from that place. Now, if Mr. George was right in saying that the average American citizen did not know a month ago where British Guiana is, is it likely that he knew whether the Monroe Doctrine applied to it or not? The question answers itself. Mr. Cleveland must have presumed upon this ignorance when he sent in his threatening message. He assumed that people would take his word for it that the Monroe Doctrine was infringed. This they have done to a very large and dangerous extent. The General of the Army, Nelson A. Miles, made a speech at the New England dinner in Philadelphia on Monday week which is described by those who heard it as a most impressive protest against the barbarity of war. Like most men who have done their fighting in the instant dismissal. The South has cut a very creditable figure during the past fortnight. Like every other section, it has suffered from the too frequent lapse of its newspapers into the control of men who have no proper appreciation of the editor's obligation to take a calm view of events, and quiet rather than intensify an unreasoning popular excitement. Then, too, the South has felt a special obligation to manifest its entire readiness to support the national authorities loyally if a crisis should come, in view of the fact that the last time the Federal Government was engaged in war it was with the Southern States. Under these circumstances it was inevitable that there should have been a good deal of wild talk in that part of the country; but a number of the leading editors did not lose their heads, and the tone of the Southern press now compares favorably with that of Northern newspapers. The Charleston News and Courier, which has been on the right side throughout, expresses the not unjustifiable opinion that "the good sense and cool judgment displayed by the Southern press in this time of unusual and unnecessary excitement will be of lasting benefit to the South, and contribute vastly to the commercial and industrial development of this part of the country." The inborn and intense hatred which Americans and Englishmen have for each other has had some curious manifestations during the past ten days. At the very moment that third-term organs of hate, like the Sun, were declaring that nothing would be so popular in this country as a war with England, and while the President was being made to believe that nine-tenths of the people were of his mind, the real feelings of sympathy and solidarity between the two nations began to stir, and have led to some of the most remarkable interchanges of international greetings ever recorded. Messages of peace have passed between churches, chambers of commerce, and trade associa tions. The appeal from English men of letters to their American brethren to do their best to prevent a civil war in English literature, was perhaps couched in somewhat hysterical terms, but spoke, after all, for a strong and genuine sentiment on both sides of the ocean. It was but an echo of Tennyson's message, an expression of the real continuity of life that still binds this country to England, and a conviction that our best civil life and ideals are due to "that deep chord which Hampden smote." The reports of the committee on ways and means on the financial situation are as petty as the conduct of both House and Senate in rushing madly at the President's heels when he sent his war scare to Congress. The committee assumes first that the trouble with the finances is a lack of revenue, although the Treasury holds a hundred millions of surplus of the kinds of money it does not want; being the very kind that this sapient committee proposes to give it some more of. In order to do this, it proposes a tariff on wool, not to furnish revenue for the Government, but to favor special interests at the expense of the consumers of woollen goods. An increased duty on sugar would really give the Government more revenue if more were needed, as it is not. All the tariff talk is a mere blind. Those who voted for the committee's bill, accordingly, know that its effects, even if it should pass the Senate and be signed by the President, would not be felt in the revenue returns of the Government for a whole year. Moreover, the declared purpose of the bill is to curtail importations. Since revenue is collected from goods which come in, and not from goods which are kept out, the result must be a still further shrinkage of the public receipts. Therefore the tariff bill is a game of false pretences. Probably those who voted for it do not expect that it will become a law. The debate on the bond bill showed clearly that the Republicans are getting ready to jump on the President with both feet when the terms of the new loan are announced. They say that a 3 per cent. bond can easily be sold at par if offered as "a popular loan." They have fixed that rate in the bill, and have provided that all loans made hereafter shall be negotiated in pursuance of advertisement. Nearly two years ago the Government tried to sell $50,000,000 of bonds for gold in that way. The "popular" part of the loan panned out at something less than two millions. The Government's credit was better then than it is now, yet the loan would have been a total failure had not the bankers come in at the very last day and subscribed for all that was left-that is, for all except the two millions. A po pular loan at 3 per cent. now would bring nothing. If the Senate should pass this bill in time, it might be worth while to try the effect of such an advertisement for the purpose of demonstrating its futility. There is not the least probability, however, that the Senate will pass it at all. There was only thirty-four majority for it in the House, and the elements of opposition to it in the Senate are relatively much greater, especially the Republican opposition. This is composed of men who want the country brought to a silver basis or a paper basis. The men who want a depreciated currency are much stronger in the Senate than in the House, and they have the further advantage that there is no rule in the Senate for terminating debate. In this matter the Senate is as badly off as it was in 1893, when the Sherman repeal bill was pending. The situation of the Government, however, is such that it cannot wait. It can hardly wait for ordinary debate. Its demand notes must be met. They must be met, too, in such a way as to give assurance that they will be paid regularly and continuously, since otherwise there will be a panic like that of last February, when gold was drawn largely for private hoarding. The upshot of the whole matter is that the bond bill, as passed by the House, is worthless, but that it will be stopped in the Senate because it is not bad enough. The Government will then resort to the same legislation that it used when the bond-syndicate transaction was made. The rate of interest will be high, corresponding to the needs of the borrower, and then the Republicans will turn all their batteries on the President. Speaker Reed finds that he, too, has a team of wild horses on his hands, as Mr. Harrison said that President Cleveland would find that he had when the last Congress met. When the Maine man was Speaker before, the Republicans had only a bare majority of the House, and it was simply necessary to decide upon a course of party action in order to bring an irresistible pressure to bear upon any member who was inclined to be recalcitrant. But it is a very different thing to warn a Representative that he must surrender his own convictions or wreck the prospects of the party when he can see that his vote may turn the scales, and to "bring him into line" when there is a Republican majority of over 130 to draw upon. The crack of the party whip even by a czar who had just taken the reins in hand had no effect upon nearly fifty Republican Representatives on Saturday, and the Speaker had a narrow escape from defeat at the very opening of the session. Mr. Reed suffers seriously now from the lack of that quality which made him so powerful six years ago. Then he was bold to the verge of rashness, and defiant of all opposition in the party ranks. His very audacity made him irresistible, and Republican Representatives who did not agree with him had to support him, however much against their will. But now he is hampered by his Presidential ambition, and his consequent unwillingness to run the risk of offending members who may control the choice of delegates from their districts to the Republican national convention. He wants support from the States that believe in greenbacks and free silver coinage, as well as from those that are outspoken for sound money. Moreover, he knows that McKinley and Harrison have friends and supporters on the Republican side of the House who would like to see him tripped up, and he therefore feels that he must pick his way with great caution. The effect of all this is that the Thomas B. Reed of 1895-'96 is a very different personality from the Thomas B. Reed of 1889-'90, and the indications are that he will be a much less forceful Speaker during this session than he was six years ago, without, however, making up for his losses from this source by an accession of popular confidence on the ground of his conservatism. The State of Maine has now a record for unbroken service, in one or other branch of Congress, on the part of all of her delegation, which it is safe to say that no other commonwealth has ever equalled in the history of the country. Frye entered the House of Representatives in 1871 and served there continuously until 1881, when he was promoted to the Senate as Blaine's successor, and recently began a term that will end in 1901. At the same time Eugene Hale entered the Senate as Hamlin's successor, and he has been twice re-elected. Mr. Reed entered the House in 1877, and has now entered upon his tenth consecutive term. Mr. Dingley joined him in 1881, and Messrs. Boutelle and Milliken in 1883, and each of these three has been reelected every two years since he entered. Until 1883 Maine had five Representatives; since then only four. Beginning with 1883 and ending with 1897, the entire delegation in both Senate and House will have gone without a single change for a period of fourteen years. The result is that Maine has carried off an extraordinary proportion of congressional honors: Mr. Reed is Speaker of the House, Mr. Frye is to be President pro tem. of the Senate when the Republicans come into control of the upper branch, Mr. Dingley is chairman of the ways and means committee, and Mr. Boutelle has an important chairmanship. The new Republican Governor of Kentucky has made a very unfortunate start. After uttering in his inaugural brave and sound words against lynching and in favor of maintaining the laws, his first official act was to pardon, in advance even of his conviction or trial, a man who had been arrested on election day for violation of the law against carrying concealed weapons. Worse still, the object of executive |