support to high-tariff legislation. As long as the leading party in the country makes the enactment of high tariff its main concern, to the neglect of nearly every other governmental interest, this motive will continue to be cherished in every way possible, including military drill in the schools. Nor will the drill be taught as a means of physical culture. It will be taught as a preparation for war, that is, for the slaughter of certain people-particularly the British-and the destruction of their houses and ships. Every canvass in promotion of the tariff will consist largely in abuse of foreigners, and exposures of their designs against our peace, prosperity, and security, and out of this will come constant preparations for defence against attacks by them on coasts and navy. Therefore, there is, in our opinion, little use in trying to cure the war fever without attacking it at its source, which is the protectionist mania. our men Twenty-five Republican Congressmen from Pennsylvania, "having seen tion in the newspapers" of the fact that Matt Quay might possibly be a candidate for the Republican Presidential nomination, have "taken this opportunity" to request him to be one, and to assure him that "from the numerous expressions of sentiment in our respective districts by leading Republicans the mention of your candidacy is received with great favor and that you will obtain their support." They remark that it is some time since Pennsylvania had a candidate for the Presidency, but they hold that "there is no reason why our great Republican State should longer be ignored, and we believe that the man and the occasion unite in making your candidacy available at the present time." In reply, Mr. Quay informs his correspondents that some days before, "in deference to friends whose wishes could not be disregarded," he had signified his willingness that his name should go before the Republicans of the country "in the high connection you mention," and that the "kind coincidence" of the Congressmen in this suggestion was "exceedingly gratifying." He concluded, "Believing that they and you are equally sincere, I remit my candidacy in all good faith to the wisdom of the delegates who will assemble at St. Louis on the 16th of June next." Being asked by a correspondent of the Philadelphia Press what his "campaign slogan" would be, Mr. Quay replied "without hesitation": "More protection, more money, more public improvements, and municipal reform." The first effect of all this was to take away the breath of the editor of the Press, and make him "stand dumb," and dumb he has remained in his own paper. In this city he was heard to say that "of course the purpose of Mr. Quay's candidacy was to hold and sole dify the Pennsylvania delegation." He seemed to have no views to express about the possible shame which a delegation solidified for a candidate of such character might bring upon the State. No candidacy quite equal to this in cynical defiance of the moral sentiment of the country has ever been put forward in either party, backed as this is by the apparently solid support of a great State. Senator Gorman's candidacy in 1892 came nearest to it, but he had only a small State behind him, and was morally Quay's superior. How much of the money paid over for the late Government loan has come from home reserves, and how much from foreign markets? At least $67,000,000 has been paid on bond subscriptions. Now there has been imported, since the opening of the year, exclusive of coin in transit, not more than $15,000,000 gold. This sum must represent the maximum of the bond subscriptions which up to date have been actually drawn from European money reserves. In other words, ignoring all payments left on deposit with the banks, at least $50,000,000 has, since the 8th of February, been withdrawn from the domestic market and absolutely locked up from public use. Now let us see what has been the effect on the market of this withdrawal. In the opening week of January, when the bond issue was announced, call money rose in New York to 35 per cent. Two weeks later, 6 per cent. was virtually the lowest, and time loans brought as high as 12. This clearly arose from uncertainty as to how much money was being withheld by lenders in view of a possible genuine and heavy over-subscription to the bonds. That the extreme high rates were caused by this, and not by misgivings over the actual withdrawal of $111,000,000 in five months, was proved after the bond allotments, when all the money markets promptly receded, until the present rates for two-months' loans are down to 4 per cent., with call loans correspondingly easy. A similar result has for a fortnight past been perceptible in other domestic money markets. One of the odd things, to the American eye, in English journalism, is the enormous hospitality accorded to the views of Mr. Moreton Frewen on American affairs, especially on American money and finance. If any one here on the spot, where his tales can be verified, attaches any importance to them, we have yet to hear of him. And yet they reach the London Times in ceaseless stream. It now appears that he has been seeking support from the eminent Lodge, and Lodge feeds him in a letter from which Mr. Frewen makes the following extract: "I see Balfour comments on the astonishing outburst of feeling against England here. The bottom of it, in recent times, is England's attitude on the money question, and the way in which she has snubbed all our efforts to do anything for silver. Do you not see that gold, which you have been fighting for for years, is quite agree that we are not going to be made really at the bottom of all this business? I prosperous by borrowing; but we can check the outflow of gold by prudent legislation." Now it is, of course, a great shame for Massachusetts that she should have a man like Lodge sitting in the chair of Daniel Webster and Edward Everett. There is no covering that up. But Mr. Frewen, when he quotes Lodge to the English public, fails to mention that he has no financial authority whatever; that nobody minds what he says about currency, or gold, or silver; that he is a "friend of silver" simply because he is a demagogue, and thought for a while that his party was rushing into the silver slough. He clamors for silver or bimetallism just as he clamors for war with England about Venezuela, or for a big navy or for coast fortifications. That the troubles of Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria will be brought to an end by the "conversion" of his infant son, Prince Boris, and baptism in the Holy Orthodox Church, is a consummation which that prince may desire, one would think, rather than confidently expect. The difficulties which have beset Prince Ferdinand since his accession to power have been of many sorts, and they seem to have weighed upon him almost in inverse ratio to their real gravity. The downfall and murder of Stambuloff he bore (if indeed he did not plan) with a light heart; while the later disturbances, domestic and political, which have arisen over the baptism of his son seem to have thrown him into great perplexity. He had, to be sure, promised at the time of his marriage that his children should be brought up in the Roman Catholic faith; but such promises are not always kept, especially in royal households. Prince Ferdinand desired to conciliate the Czar, and, perhaps even more, to smooth away the prejudices of foundations of his dynasty by conformhis own people, and make more solid the ing it to the national religion. Hot dissensions at once sprang up inside and outside his palace. His most earnest opponents were those of his own household. Then he took the unwise course of endeavoring to obtain the Pope's consent to the carrying out of his wishes. Very queer dispensations have at one time or another been granted at Rome, but the Holy Father evidently thought this an extreme case, and also perhaps "bad politics," and refused his sanction. Since then Prince Ferdinand has been letting "I dare not" wait upon "I would," until at last he has come to a feeble and hesitating decision, and the baptism of the Prince has taken place. When Henry IV. made up his mind that Paris was worth a mass, we may be sure that he did not consult the Huguenot ministers on the question, or send the Dauphin as a proxy to assist at mass, instead of going himself, A DISGUISED REVOLUTION. THE latest Platt performances at Albany and in this city serve a useful purpose in illustrating the nature of the very great change which is now going on in the government of a good many of the States, and notably and especially of this. This change would excite more alarm and apprehension if it were not disguised under the old forms. But it is in this State so great that, as a shrewd observer remarked to us the other day, the description of the working of a State government contained in Tocqueville or Bryce is here to-day a veritable political romance. There is no set of facts in existence corresponding to this description. Nothing remains of the old government except the power of the voters to transfer the offices from one set of rulers to another, somewhat after the manner of a Central American revolution. This transfer can still be made at the polls whenever the voter pleases, but, having made it, he is functus officio. He has literally no influence on legislation or administration. His approval or disapproval has lost all force. It has been a favorite theory of publicists for the last fifty years that the silent, unperceived modifications which in former days so often changed democracies into oligarchies or dictatorships, as in Greece, Rome, Venice, and other Italian states, were no longer possible, owing to the vigilance and activity of the modern press. But this, in the States of New York and Pennsylvania at least, is proving a complete delusion. The press in both these States is almost wholly controlled by promoters of the revolution. Outside of New York city there are only two Republican newspapers in the State opposed to Platt. The rest of the party's editors are in some way in his employ, and print the matter which he sends them as submissively as if he exercised military rule. Except in this city and in Buffalo, no citizen throughout the State could find means of expressing dissatisfaction with the new régime except through a pamphlet. Open discussion of public measures or men has ceased in the interior. The simulacrum of it which exists, closely resembles that which prevailed in France in the early days of the Second Empire. It differs in that there were many French editors at that time who would have spoken out if they had dared, while there are apparently no Platt editors who would do differently even if they could. The most alarming thing about them, too, is the facility with which they have succumbed. An editor who quails before military force can still retain his self-respect; but to close one's mouth and repeat a master's words solely for a little office or a small loan, is too much for human dig. nity. The legislative situation is a counterpart to that of the press. There is no more connection between the public and the great majority of the legislators than between the public and the newspapers. Here again the parallel between our also, the situation cannot be really changed plight and that of the French between by an election. There is a change of per1851-60, jumps into our faces. There were, sons, but not of system. Platt is substituted for Croker, or Croker for Platt, but during most of that period, five men in the French Chambers who opposed or the people do not recover possession of criticised the Government, but they were their administrative machinery. In other themselves well aware, as was everybody words, our nominating system has swalelse, that their talk was mere parade. lowed up the very thing for which the noNo one paid attention to them or answer- minating system was created. It no longer ed them. Their presence simply enabled selects candidates only: it selects officers. the ministers to say that freedom of Nor does its activity cease when the elecspeech still existed. There is, in like tion is over. It takes possession of the manner, a small minority at Albany which officer after he is elected, and prescribes professes independence and says what it his duties, whether legislative or adminispleases, and keeps up a pretence of de-trative. It is permanent, while the officer bate, but its words are quite idle. It in- is transient. Platt and Croker live and fluences no votes, and does not modify rule through many Legislatures, while the plans of the Boss. every legislator comes to them every year to ask for a continuance in public life. We have no substitute to propose for this system. We point out simply that, whatever its original merit or convenience, it is now rapidly destroying American government as imagined and framed by its founders, so that change of some kind is not a matter of choice, but of necessity, and out of the necessity we must believe that some substitute will emerge. Of the collateral effects of Bossism on the character of public men, on the condition of public life, on the credit of legislative bodies, and on the quality of legislation, we say nothing to-day. What these things will be, any intelligent man may work out for himself with a pencil and bit of paper in half an hour. The progress of the evil within two or three years has been star The power, too, which the Boss possesses to prescribe, promise, and even sell legislation, not on any particular class of subjects, but on all subjects whatever which lie within State jurisdiction, is absolutely novel in the sphere of parliamentary government. A similar power, undoubtedly, is possessed by the British minister, and was grossly abused through a large part of the last century, but the minister was a member of Parliament and was a recognized functionary of the state. The peculiarity of our condition is, that our Legislature and press are controlled by a private person, unknown to the law or the Government, who does not defend his schemes or answer charges, and whom there is no legal way of calling to account. We are here giving a description of the state of things in New York. But thistling indeed. As we saw in this city recentdescription would be true also of Pennsylvania, where the reigning Boss has just been invited to become a candidate for the Presidency by his admirers in Congress. This is a striking illustration of the rapidity and depth of the descent which we have been trying to portray. The cause of this descent is not difficult to explain. Our nominating system, which started into existence seventy years ago only, has in two generations been converted into a machine which threatens the destruction of popular government in two more. Nothing seemed more harmless, sensible, and even satisfactory in the beginning than a convention of elected delegates to select candidates for the party. But the contrivance unhappily came into use just as the popular vote was assuming enormous proportions. The bringing of it to the polls soon became a task of great difficulty, making work for professionals, and developing a peculiar kind of talent, although not of the highest order. The more difficult it became to organize the nominating convention, the more powerful became the organizers, the more necessary their favor to any one wishing to enter public life. When once this was perceived, their progress towards complete possession of the Government was very rapid. There is only one check today on their control of it, and that is the possibility of putting the other party in power; but as the other party has a Boss ly, the Bosses no longer have the decency to elect the delegates to the conventions honestly. They used to content themselves by securing the choice of their henchmen; they now do not even take the trouble to have votes cast for them. They throw in bogus ballote, and say that this will do well enough for the "Presidential year," which is rapidly becoming the appointed season for licensed political villany. The matter, therefore, cannot be let alone. We invite to it the attention of all men who love their country and believe in the future of popular government. THE FAILURE OF REPUBLICAN EVERY observer must be struck by the similarity between the political situation in this State to-day and that which existed in 1892. There was then, as now, a Boss with a powerful following, in control of the Governor and the Legislature. He then, as now, shaped, hindered, or sold legislation. Then, as now, the chief city and State officers either held office at his mercy or were very much afraid of him. Then, as now, he either levied, or was believed to levy, blackmail on corporations and rich men as the price of protection from some sort of confiscation or annoyance. Then, as now, the charters of the leading cities were treated as instruments with which the legislative majority could amuse themselves by altering at pleasure, vacating or abolishing the offices to suit the Boss's convenience or profit. Then, as now, there was a small minority of the Boss's party which protested against the Boss's doings, which defied his power, exposed his frauds, and asked judgment on him from the party conscience. Republican party among us. There is no But here the parallel ceases. The Democratic minority who were disgusted by Hill's and Croker's fraud and corruption, broke with them absolutely. They refused all compromise. They stopped dining with them and "harmonizing" with them. They did everything that was necessary to be done to convince the public and the party that they were in earnest; that their fight was not a sham battle. They did not admit, or allow any one to One thing alone in which the Republisuppose, that they considered "the Presican Boss imitates the Democratic Boss dential year" a year in which fraud ought to shut him out of the houses of should be condoned, and thimbleriggers honest men, good citizens, and sincere feasted, and open enemies of the Ameri- Christians. It is no worse for Croker to can form of government treated as patri-levy blackmail on corporations and indiots and statesmen. The Boss had all the viduals and sell legislation than for Platt. delegates to the national convention and It is no worse indication in Croker than the whole party machine in the State, and in Platt. The men who condone or overin truth as fine a "lay-out" as any cheat look it or make light of it, are far worse or criminal could desire. Nothing was enemies of the United States than those wanting to make the reform movement foreign foes on whom the Senate has its seem to the ordinary politician a thoeye. The place where "supine submisroughly visionary, crack-brained scheme, sion to wrong, injustice, and consequent the only palpable result of which would loss to national self-respect and honor," be the loss of the State at the Presiden- is going on, is not, begging the President's tial election. But the reformers carried pardon, the banks of the Essequibo or of out their programme with what used to the Orinoco, but in or about 49 Broadway. be considered Republican firmness and inIt is not in tropical pampas or forests that tegrity. They made a new enrolment; our ruin is being worked, but in express they called another State convention; they offices and bar-rooms and hotel parlors. went to the national convention strong, Our most dangerous foes are not great not in numbers, but in truthfulness, honmonarchs or famous generals, but a ragesty, and decency, and they made such anged army of shabby hypocrites and adimpression that their candidate was nominated, and was overwhelmingly elected, and received in this State a majority of nearly 45,000! The battle, as Patrick Henry said, is not always to the strong alone; it is to the active, the vigilant, the brave. "True Americanism," true patriotism, does not consist solely in fighting England. It consists mainly in fighting the domestic thieves, runagates, impostors, and blatherskites who are constantly trying to take possession of the government. cline to describe a single item in their expenditure. Every one, no matter what his professions, who helps in the maintenance of this system, either by acquiescence, silence, harmony, or cooperation, shares its guilt and is an enemy of his country. RECOGNIZING BELLIGERENCY. THE 'Recognition of Cuban Belligerency ' is the title of a pamphlet by Prof. J. H. Beale, jr., of the Harvard Law School, reprinted from the Law Review. It contains a review of the action of our Government in its dealings with foreign governments, as to insurrectionary movements within their borders, and points out that the right to recognize belligerency rests upon two circumstances-the existence in fact of what in international law is regarded as legal war, and the necessity on the part of the nation which acts of recognizing the existence of the fact. The first is really the cause of the second. When an insurrectionary movement is carried on, as ours was during the Revolution, by a regular government having a definite territorial extent, and with a military and political organization, with a legislature, courts, an executive, etc., it becomes a necessity for nations having commercial relations with the inhabitants of the portion of the country in insurrection to recognize the facts of the case. It is impossible to go on treating as robbers or pirates people who have for the time being created an independent military and political society. We tried the experiment at the time of the Rebellion, and insisted upon it for two or three years that. Jefferson Davis and all the whites in the South were robbers and murderers, and that the officers Some of the Republican reformers ex- and crew of the Alabama and other cuse their Plattism by assuring us that rebel cruisers were pirates; that England Platt, unlike Croker, keeps none of his should not have recognized the belligerenblackmail for himself. Oh my, no. The cy of the South, and that the South was good man uses it all for the benefit of "the not a belligerent. Nevertheless we ultiparty "-that is, for buying up editors and mately had to abandon this position, adrelieving impecunious legislators. But mit the fact of belligerency and legal war, what do they know about it? In what and abandon all idea of hanging Davis other branch of human activity would any and his co-conspirators, simply because one venture to tell us that a man who re- the facts were against us. We still clung ceives money freely and renders no ac- to the point that England had been overcounts, retains none of it for his own use? hasty in recognizing the belligerency of Should we not laugh in the face of any the Southern States; but this was mereone, lay or clerical, who in any business, ly raising the question as to when belcivil or ecclesiastical, charitable or com-ligerency became established-another question simply of fact. venturers, who live on our weakness and The State Republicans are face to face to-day with a crisis exactly resembling that with which the Democrats had to deal in 1892. They are, too, if we are to believe their newspapers and their clergy-mercial, asked us to trust him with a men, equipped for it as the Democrats have not been in forty years. They are supposed to include most of the virtue and intelligence of the community in their ranks. The Christian people, and the temperance people, and the law-abiding people, are all supposed to be on their side. Theirs mainly is public conscience and theirs are the high standards. It is they who must govern the State and nation if America is to fulfil her high mission. "Música, música," as the Spaniards say. There is no sign of any such large income without even telling us what The reason why it is never for the interest on the part of a neutral or friendly nation to recognize belligerency when it does not exist is, that, just as long as the insurrection remains an insurrection, the government risen against (in this case Spain) is responsible for all injury which lawlessness may produce affecting the interests of the citizens of the friendly state (in this case the United States). It is only when the insurrectionary party form a de facto state that this responsibility disappears, and when this responsibility is no longer of any value it must be recognized. If Gomez and Maceo were to drive General Weyler and his troops into the sea, and organize Cuba as an independent state, it would be of no use to go on pretending that Spain was in control. We should, for our own interests, need to rely on the responsibility of those actually in control. To apply these remarks to the present situation of affairs is not difficult. The insurrection has neither regular army, nor navy, nor courts, nor legislature, nor executive. Its seat is said to be on top of a remote and inaccessible mountain, and the reason why we hear of its "operations" near the capital is that its forces are marauding bands "operating" in the way Rob Roy used to operate in the Highlands. Any point where there are negroes or white patriots out of work, and where there is anything to lay hands on, becomes a centre of insurrection, a centre which, the moment the booty is "touched," fades away. The favorite argument with the newspapers seems to be that because the Spaniards are cruel, therefore we ought to recognize the belligerency of the Cubans. No amount of cruelty on the part of the Spaniards, however, will produce belligerency if none exists. What those who are indignant at the Spanish cruelty want is not a recognition of belligerency, but intervention, and this, as Mr. Beale points out, is a totally different matter. When we have made up our minds, if we come to such a conclusion, that the interests of humanity demand intervention, then our course is plain enough. We warn Spain off, of course taking the risk of war. We also should, if our cry is humanity, carefully consider how much better off Cuba would be free than under Spanish dominion, whether there exist any materials for self-government on the island, and whether we desire to have the races which inhabit it as fellow-citizens. Forcible intervention is an intelligible po licy; but what we or any one else should gain by pretending that the Cubans are belligerents when they are not, is what no one has explained. The length of time during which lawlessness exists has little or nothing to do with it. The last insurrection in Cuba lasted ten years. There have been at various times parts of Italy entirely in the hands of banditti, against whom the Government has been able to do nothing; but it never occurred to any one to recognize them as belligerents. Yet all banditti are in favor of freedom and foes of governmental interference. Still another reason has been advanced for recognizing Cuban belligerency. Some one has unearthed a doctrine of international law that no government is responsible for not giving protection if it is physically impossible to do so, and the argument for the recognition of belligerency then proceeds as follows: Parts of the island are in insurrection, and the property of American citizens is at the mercy of the revolutionists; the Spanish commander cannot protect this property: therefore we must abandon any claim for indemnity against Spain, and look to Maceo and Gomez. Such is said to be the reasoning of the House committee on foreign affairs, who feel that it removes the last argument against the recognition of Cuban belligerency. We take the liberty of doubting that Spain has ever announced its intention not to protect foreign citizens. The trouble with the House committee is that it feeds too exclusively upon doctrines and principles of law-a windy diet-to the oversight of facts. PIGEON-HOLED KNOWLEDGE. HAZLITT told the story of West, the painter, that, when asked if he had ever been in Greece, he replied: "No, but I have read a descriptive catalogue of the principal objects in that country, and I believe I am as well conversant with them as if I had visited it." This suggests one of the most terrible intellectual temptations of our day, one which has a fatal power over many minds. We mean the temptation to make of one's head nothing but a ledger, in which all one's knowledge must be neatly and precisely classified and written up every night. It is peculiarly a besetting sin of critics, especially of literary critics, who must reduce all the literature of a given age, no matter how miscellaneous and refractory, to one "movement," group all the writers of any one period into a "school" or schools, and, in short, make literary criticism into a sort of oldfashioned desk, with little parcels of opinions, nicely labelled and docketed, stowed away in the pigeon-holes. Classification is, of course, the beginning of wisdom in many branches of science, but it must be a classification into which the facts fall easily and magically, not one into which they have to be forced maimed and bleeding. In what is so essentially free and elastic a process as the intellectual development of a generation, or the evolution of a national literature throughout a century, the insistence upon exact and rigid classification easily runs into confusion and absurdity. Taine's English Literature' illustrates the madness that lies this way, and a recent ad dress of Brunetière's on "The Renais sance of Idealism" seems to us another example of it. The schedules are too hard-and-fast, the labels too confidently stuck on, the accounts too accurately footed up, and the balance too miraculously correct. M. Brunetière compresses the whole field of intellectual activity into his formula, and makes science, music, art, literature, religion, and government alike bear testimony to the progress of the age away from materialism, naturalism, realism, or whatever you call it, into idealism-whatever you mean by that, and Brunetière expressly refused to be bound by a "too strict" definition. Now, the human mind, not of the Dryasdust order, instinctively rebels at this. One might acknowledge the science, or the music, or the religion separately; but all of them at once, with art and literature thrown in, and each and all ticketed "Renaissance of Idealism"-this is too much. If it were all as clear and true as this, there would surely be no need of delivering an eloquent "conférence" about it, for everybody would be convinced of it on sight. It would be easy, moreover, to show more than one detail in which Brunetière is far from making out his case. Science, for example, he says, has become idealistic because "the promises which savants have publicly made in its name" have failed of fulfilment. But when you ask what savants, he admits that he does not mean the authorized exponents of science, the Darwins, the Pasteurs, the Helmholtzes, but the second or third-rate men, the very charlatans of science. The retort is obvious that if science has gone "bankrupt," in Brunetière's famous phrase, idealism has not likewise gone so only because all it promises to pay fall due in the new heavens and the new earth which it is yet to create. And when the lecturer finds his proof of the coming of political idealism in the spread of Socialism, one can only wonder how he would discriminate idealism from fanaticism or the most rabid doctrinairianism. But it is not so much on details like these that we intended to dwell as on the perils of the mania for classifying which they exemplify. One cannot go through an age labelling and pigeon-holing knowledge in this way. Mark Pattison denied that it was possible to do so even in a past century; much less in one whose records are not yet made up. By falling back on our little lists and schedules we all the while increase the danger of taking our eyes off the stubborn facts to let them rest on our graceful classifications. Rousseau tells us how he felt this danger, and how he finally surmounted it by determining, instead of squeezing all he read into his own pet formulas, to open his mind freely, as "a magazine of ideas," and let the classification come later as best it might. In this way he certainly saved himself from the reproach that has been brought against Guizot, that he had all knowledge reduced to a beautiful catalogue raisonné, but was not a whit the wiser for it. The way things are actually done-literature actually produced, for example-is often ludicrously unlike the theory of the way they are done. When a modern novelist falls to work, does he say to himself, "Now I am a realist, a symbolist, a décadent, an idealist, or what not, and must live up to my 'school,' so as not to baffle the critics"? Hardly. If he did, he would not get on much faster than Bismarck said he should if he did every. thing "on principle"-" principles" being, he affirmed, like a long pole held crosswise in your teeth when you wanted maternal arms to embrace the son beloved who to run along a narrow path in the dense and devotion to our city by refusing the high forest. Wordsworth, it is true, wrote position which other cities wished you to accept [in allusion to the Dante chair at Rome, some poems to illustrate his poetical theo- which Carducci refused in order to remain ries, as Blair preached sermons built on faithful to Bologna], that the city opens its the strictest principles of the rhetorical has so loved and honored his mother. You art; but the poems rivalled the sermons came to us, when you were quite young, from in wooden and deadly dulness. Dr. John- gentle Tuscany, just when Bologna had thrown off the double yoke of priest and foreigner; son gave his idea of this kind of literary and though you possessed the qualities that in classification when asked if the sermons sure fame-lofty genius, profound and multiform knowledge, a thirst for all high and noof Dr. Dodd were not "addressed to the ble things-fame was not yet assured to you passions." "Sir," he replied, "they are Your fame dates from Bologna, and, as it grew and expanded, the name of our city was ever nothing, be they addressed to what they associated with it. Nor did fame come sudmay." What novelists write for may rough-denly as a gift from heaven; on the contrary ly be set down as (1) money, (2) reputation, principally as a means to more money, (3) recognition and good will of contemporaries, (4) dim and dubious hope of posthumous fame. All the rest is vanity; the anxieties and embarrassments of pigeonhole critics over the question of what category to put them in, vanity of vanities. THE THIRTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY OF CARDUCCI'S PROFESSORSHIP. BOLOGNA, February 9, 1896. RARELY, if ever, since Petrarch's time has a living poet received such overwhelming tokens of love and reverence as Carducci has to day on this thirty-fifth anniversary of his first lecture as professor of belle lettere in the Univer sity of Bologna. The homage rendered by all Italy is to the noble genius of the poet who has never stooped to flatter princes or people, who has said to Italy, to her rulers, to her parties, the hardest, bluutest things that can well be imagined, and at the same time has kept the plebs informed that squalor and misery alone do not give them a title to the world's commiseration. The special homage of Bologna, how. ever, is to the professor who has educated several generations in the worship of intel. lectual greatness and civic virtue. The idea originated with one of his present pupils, a Sicilian, Rodolico, who proposed to present an album with the names of all the students who have frequented Carducci's classes from 1861 till now, with the photographs of as many as were obtainable; and this family festival took place on February 2, the real "first day." Then the Syndic of the city, very proud of the fact that Carducci in the communal elections had polled more votes than any born Bolognese, bethought himself of a municipal commemoration. Carducci's colleagues could not be left out in the cold, nor his publishers, the brothers Zanichelli, be neglected. King Hum bert, who, your readers will remember, came with the Queen and heir apparent to listen to his commemoration of the fifth centenary of the University of Bologna, sent him the medal as Commendatore of the Order of S. Maurizio e Lazzaro with a really hearty letter, praying "that the poet may be spared for many years to the studious youth who cherish him with love and gratitude." Both the King and Queen sent telegrams which were read by the Syndic dall' Olio with great gusto in the reading-room of the Arciginnasio, where some five hundred of the élite of Bologna were assembled, one row being reserved for the lady students who throng his lectures. The Syndic spoke from his heart: "Even before the communal decree that conferred on you the rights of citizenship, we considered you as our own son, and if we have sought out the best possible way of conferring on you the greatest imaginable honors, it is because you have given us such proofs of love Gandino continued truly: "Your method of teaching proves the truth of the saying of the Greek poet, that the Muses possess the science of things universal, so that if to each one is assigned a special part-here poetry, there history, there again other artsall form Apollo's chorus, all are united in close bonds of sisterhood. So in your school the severe examination of the philosopher is admirably united with the divine spirit of the poet, the diligent research of the historian, the rapid intuition of the artist." So hearty were Gandino's encomiums that poor Carducci, who before the ceremony had said to us, "Of course I feel much honored, but it's a fearful ordeal to go through," never once lifted his eyes. When it was ended, they kissed and hugged each other just like two schoolboys. Very short and simple was the speech of Cosimo Filippi, Syndic of Pietrasanta, the poet's birthplace. "Pietrasanta, which had the good fortune to give thee birth, sends this [a splendid parchment] as a token of gratitude to the son who has illuminated the obscurity of our village." After this, Count Pier Desiderio Pasolini, who is ever certain to be seen when Carducci can be honored, sprang up from some corner and gave him a spray of laurel. you won it gradually, and never to any one was it given so grudgingly. The first songs of Enotrio Romano' were a challenge flung down to the academical softnesses in which Italian accustomed to linger in the pleasant paths of poetry delighted. The public and the critics, the garden of the Muses, were frightened at a poet who forcibly drew them up the steepest of mountain paths; and protested and blamed the audacious pioneer who led them away from beaten tracks, trusting that anathemas would silence the importunate voice. But the voice, which was the lofty, solemn voice of poetry, was not silenced; silence it could not keep, and it was from Bologna that 'Enotrio' no more, but Giosuè Carducci, continued his courageous work of innovation. Still the critics censured, but they were no longer lis. tened to; the public, subdued, joyfully yielded to the resistless fascination; began by forgiv-rently, "I bring to thee, Giosuè Carducci, ing the poet his conquest, then from day to day loved him more passionately, and would have him not only loved but acclaimed in this city, which had been faithful to him in his struggles, and is now witness and sharer in his glory." The Syndic next devoted his remarks to Giosuè as professor, showing the influence he has had in leading his disciples to real love, appreciation, and reverence for their great ancient writers, to the worship of classical tradi tion tempered by an acute sense of present mo. dern life (this is the keynote to Carducci's originality), and in interpreting history, of which he is indeed a master. At this point he "Child of ancient Ravenna," he said reve this branch of laurel which grew close to the tomb of Dante Alighieri, thy teacher, thy father. Without him thy fame would not be so great, and perhaps we should not be here to manifest such loving and cordial reverence to thee. This laurel branch is all that now can come from him to thee; receive it with affection and keep it with reverence." And I noticed that when we went home with his wife and daughter, who were intensely moved, Carducci's first care, on going into his study, was, not to look at his medals or presents, but to place the laurel sprig in the tunic of Dante's bust which stands in the centre of his bookshelves-the sad Mazzini look. presented Carducci with a magnificent golding down life-size from above. Carducci's thanks commenced in a voice so low and broken that we asked, "Will even he break down?" But after a few minutes the clarion tones rang out, and every word could be heard all over the hall. frank, hearty salutations of his colleagues, "who, thanks to you, with joyful hearts, After Bertolino came the illustrious Latinist, the genial, simpatico Gandino, who, after a brief, bright speech, recited an elogium in musical Latin. "You see," he said to the pub. lic, "that besides our reverence, appreciation, gratitude, we all so love this Giosuè Carducci. Perhaps the aureole that surrounds his brow dazes some, but to his colleagues he appears in all the brightness of a sunny day: "I thank you reverently. Your benevolence has made of me something that exists in your idea, not in my reality. But whatever I am (and indeed I wish I were like your portrait), every bit of me belongs to this city and to this University. To your city I came with Italy and with unity; I came as a youth, poor, obscure, and with trepidation. The city received me with encouragement; the University, in the shadow of its glory, aided and protected me. In the University I found first fathers, then brothers, who taught me by example and both facilitated and bettered my teaching. In the city I found wise and warm friends, who now spurred me on, now restrained me, and I found what your grand escutcheon promisesLibertas! Yes, the liberty of solitude and of study: liberty in the flight and aim of my thoughts, liberty of ideas, independence upon all narrow little pinching, sharp-angled circumstances which fetter the healthy progress of a writer. Yes, and here let me say to the Syndic of Pietrasanta, on the beautiful coast which runs 'twixt sea and mountain, which gave me birth and noble traditions, and whence, alas, I was taken all too young, and whose memory I revere and love-here in Bologna I found a second country. Here, although I hold that we can serve our country in all times and places by wholly giving ourselves to her and claiming nothing in return for this privilege of giving-nevertheless here service was made easy for me, here the hearti ness of the citizens helped me, the glories of Aldrovandus, of Zanotti, of Galvani inspired me. At this moment I recall the past and forefeel the future. I remember, and these honors showered on me almost excite remorse; I want to ask the pardon of those holy shades |