the student. The history proper, so far as completed, falls into three chapters. Chap. i. deals with 'Early Influences,' chap. ii. with 'The Rise of Greek Sculpture (600-480 B. C.),' chap. iii. (incomplete) with The Fifth Century (480-400 B. c.).' Exhaustiveness of treatment is of course not aimed at, but the outlines of the subject are clearly and firmly drawn. The limitations of space and perhaps the temper of the author have reduced æsthetic criticism to a minimum. The term "history" is interpreted strictly, and the author seems half to apologize (p. 209) for introducing a cursory description of two or three works whose exact period and school cannot be definitely assigned. In short, the book is scientific in spirit. It aims at understanding, leaving enjoyment to take care of itself. Its most distinguishing characteristic is a rigorous exclusion of conjecture, however dazzling. But, for all its severity, it is thoroughly readable, and even fascinating.

While, of course, some of Mr. Gardner's views are open to discussion, we have noted almost no statements that could positively be pronounced incorrect. The head upon the statue of Aristogiton in Naples is said, on page 183, to be Lysippean in character. This head was enumerated by Graef among the copies of the Meleager, which, according to our present lights, is attributable to Scopas, or an immediate pupil of Scopas. The evidence on which Prof. Furtwängler bases his identification of the Athena Lemnia of Phidias is not quite correctly stated on page 265. There are two copies (not one) in Dresden of the statue in question; and it is not true that "the head of the Dresden statue is made in a separate piece." In the one statue the head, still partially preserved, was of one piece with the body; in the other the head was indeed separate, but it is now missing altogether. These trifling slips, however, do not affect Mr. Gardner's main contention, viz., that Prof. Furtwängler's brilliant identification, which seems to have been generally accepted in Germany, is without adequate evidence. For our own part, we are inclined to rate more highly than Mr. Gardner does the strength of the proof advanced; but the general attitude of mind which he displays in this, as in other matters, cannot be too warmly commended.

Statistics and Sociology. By Richmond Mayo-Smith. Macmillan & Co. 1895. THIS Volume is offered as the first part of a "systematic Science of Statistics"; but the claim appears to be somewhat too broad. In fact, it is only by a stretch of language that it can be described as a scientific treatise at all. The author seems to make no clear distinction between statistics in general and the statistics of human society in particular, nor does he appear to have considered the method necessarily employed in the study of human society, whether by means of statistics or otherwise. The definition of statistics as consisting "in the observation of phenomena which can be counted or expressed in figures " is altogether inadequate. Every other human being, as well as the census taker, according to this definition, is a statistician. Lord Dundreary was a statistician when he observed that his toes were equal in number to his fingers, and the child beginning to count is en. gaging in statistical investigation. Number is the widest of all the categories, and it cannot be admitted that statistics is nothing but arithmetic. It is undoubtedly true that unless phenomena can be enumerated they are not

available for the use of the statistician; but as practically all phenomena can be counted, this limitation is vain. It is the classification of phenomena that makes them available for scientific purposes; and without a clear comprehension of the principles and methods of scientific classification, the accumulation and analysis of figures profit nothing.

We are told, it is true, that the method of statistical observation is not of universal application, but we are not told when it is appli. cable, or how it is to be applied. We are advised that "fittingness and suggestiveness are more important" than mere accumulation of facts-a principle which is undoubtedly true, but lacks scientific precision. So of the statement that "always and everywhere with statistical analysis comes the question whether our classification is legitimate and scientific." Many such questions are suggested by our author, but he contents himself with asking the questions and not answering them. He observes that as population fluctuates it is necessary, in considering births, deaths, marriages, etc., "to adopt some sort of rate." But concerning the standard to be adopted we are left in the dark. "The most simple is that of the whole population." It has certain advantages, certain disadvantages; but whether the advantages outweigh the disadvantages or not we are not told, nor are we informed of the principles upon which such problems are determined. In comparing phenomena we are warned to take care that the comparison is a fair one, and advised to select typical statistics "which will prove the point in hand," sufficient in number "to show that the rule is general and not exceptional." Such counsels as these merely suggest the difficulties of scientific investigation. They show how fallacious are the inferences that may be derived from collections of figures, but they do not show how these fallacies may be avoided.

On the whole, while we concur in the opinion that "if we are not to be entirely confused and overwhelmed by the mere mass of data and by the conflicting conclusions to which they seem to lend support, it is necessary that we strive for and attain absolute clearness in respect to the ends to be sought and the methods of seeking them," we do not think this absolute clearness has been obtained in the present work. Indeed, we incline to the view that this treatise is not concerned directly with the science of statistics. It is essentially a collection of inferences from census reports and other collections of figures, many of which are no doubt valid, many also suggestive and interesting, but all, so far as we have observed, insufficiently verified. The United States census of 1890 was in several respects improperly taken, and some of its defects have been so thoroughly ex. posed as to be notorious. But in these pages we have failed to find any regard paid to its untrustworthy character, and inferences de rived from its tables are offered without proper warning. It is hardly necessary to say that if there is to be any statistical science, it can be developed only from premises which have been themselves established in accordance with the canons of inductive logic. Conclusions derived from unverified observations belong not to the realm of science, but to that of speculation.

Although we cannot regard this work as sufficiently critical to possess much scientific value, it would be unjust to ignore its merits. It is full of observations which prove the author to be well aware of the worthlessness of much which passes for statistics, and to be familiar with the conditions upon which cor

rect inductions are to be obtained. As a praotical treatise it abounds in information which, while not meeting the strict requirements of scientific tests, is yet sufficiently accurate for ordinary purposes. Evidence may be in many respects imperfect and untrustworthy, and yet be admissible as revealing the existence of tendencies. It is in the discovery and isolation of such tendencies that the author does his best work, and achieves results of positive value. The principal rubrics comprehend the most important conditions of man as a social beingbirth, death, marriage, sex, age, and crime. There are chapters also on the infirm and dependent, on race, and on migration. These chapters are full of interesting matter, presented in an attractive and readable way. There is very little positive and dogmatic statement, and if the author's conclusions are accepted subject to the cautions and reservations with which he offers them, the book will be found to be of service by the legislator as well as by the student of human society. And this, when we consider the manner in which statistics are generally collected, is more than can be said of most works of this kind.

The Development of Parliament during the Nineteenth Century. By G. Lowes-Dickinson, M.A., Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. Longmans, Green & Co. 1895. Pp. vi, 183.

"THE object of the following pages is twofold: first, to recount, as briefly and clearly as may be, the process of the 'democratization' of Parliament; secondly, to put what appears to me one of the most important questions to which that process has given rise the question of the competence of a democratic House of Commons to direct to a satisfactory issue the socialistic tendencies of the future."

In this opening paragraph of the preface is clearly stated the plan of a very instructive and suggestive book, a book which, in less than two hundred pages of large print, brings England and the world face to face with a most remarkable transformation, not in the least understood by its authors and scarcely by its subjects. To analyze it adequately, to give even a correct idea of this work, by the minimum of quotation from its startling and illuminating epigrams, would be beyond the space at our command. A short summary must suffice, in the hope of sending readers to a book sadly needed in the day when Americans are talking about the danger from the spread of English monarchical institutions.

The authors and the opponents of Parliamentary reform in 1832 never contemplated a democratic remodelling of the ancient constitution of King, Lords, and Commons; they believed Parliament was, and ought to be, the means whereby varied elements and varied interests, weighed and not counted, should combine to preserve an ancient and complex system. The Tories maintained that this was perfectly done by the existing arrangement; the Whigs held that, by one act of vigorous readjustment, it might be done very much better; and the mass of the burgher class, who were the chief agents in forcing Lord Grey's Government to carry "the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," would have utterly scorned Samuel Warren's sarcastic title, "A bill for giving everybody everything." But the precedent had been set for changing the prescriptive system; and henceforth no change, however radical, was impossible. Yet no change was attempted for twenty years-and from 1852 to 1867 each new reform bill was taken up, as we should say, "to make political capital," and

list, which included Brahms, Max Bruch, Goldmark, Rheinberger, Kirchner, Reinecke, Bargiel, Hofmann, Bruckner, Nikodé, Richard Strauss, and six others, is infinitely more im.

not from any strong pressure from any class. Both of the great parties had united in opposing the sweeping constitutional changes advocated by the physical-force Chartists in 1840; and when these rose against a Whig Govern.posing than the meagre array of Italian names ment, their counsel were Tory lawyers, whose politics were as unsympathetic as possible. Every Reform Bill up to 1867 contemplated| some new delicate adjustment of interests, not with a view to increasing the electorate, but to developing a greater variety of respectable constituencies; but none of these cunning devices met with any response till Disraeli's artful plan, transformed by the shock of clashing intrigues into a measure so democratic that it startled the very Radicals, added a vast body of urban constituents, because numerical increase was the only change that could be understood. Yet even then, Mr. Lowe, who had had in Australia an experience in which very few of his colleagues shared, was the only statesman of any party who understood and explained what had come about. Another half generation completed the work, democratized the county constituencies as well as the city, swept away, in only fifty years from the days of the first Reform Bill, the balanced and varied Parliament with which centuries had been familiar, and created a numerical electorate of millions, the representatives having practically changed their character to delegates.

Meanwhile the democracy-that is, the working classes, into whose hands the author well says the upper and middle classes have been forcing the political power-have, by a series of strange steps (chartism and trades-unionism among them), arrived at a position of a very socialistic character, in which the almost unchecked authority of a workingman's House of Commons stands an excellent chance of being used for a still further extension of suffrage, to include all adults-not merely women, but paupers-and for a redistribution of property in the very spirit of Karl Marx. Such an entire overthrow of English traditions never was in the mind of those who passed the Reform Acts of 1832, 1867, and 1884. But it is entirely on the cards if all the legislative power is in the hands of a single unchecked body-a national convention which, however loudly it might claim to represent the people, would really leave very much of what makes and always has made England, unrepresented. The only hope for law and property is in a second chamber. The author considers the House of Lords in its history and its capabilitles. He contends that the charge, constantly levelled against it, of having obstructed and defeated the popular will is untrue; that, however obsolete the hereditary principle may be, and in need of substitution, it would be far more easy to make such substitution and reform the upper house than to save England from anarchy if it were abolished.

As was said above, this is a bare and very imperfect summary of the argument, omitting the terse and pointed language, the keen illustrative power, the grave yet hopeful tone of the book. It is, in all respects, the work of an historian, a scholar, a patriot, and a philosopher, and deserves to be widely read and deeply studied.

Masters of Italian Music. By R. A. Streatfeild. Scribners. Pp. 270.

In our comments on the 'Masters of German Music,' in the series entitled "Masters of Contemporary Music," the fact was noted that Mr. Maitland did not have a very imposing list of masters to deal with. Yet that German

at the service of Mr. Streatfeild-Verdi, Boïto, Mascagni, Puccini, Leoncavallo, Sgambati, Bazzini, and Mancinelli. Were it not for the veteran Verdi, now in his eighty-third year, this list of "masters" would seem almost comic, and it certainly reveals in a most painful way the decadence of musical Italy. Our author seems to realize the situation. He clings to Verdi with the despair of a man who sees a desert before him, and not till he has given him more than half the pages in his book does he proceed to the others. He knows that "at the present time, and indeed for many years past, music in Italy has meant opera, and opera alone." Yet lately the tendency of this opera has been "towards melodrama of an unusually sordid and objectionable type." And what makes matters worse, this tendency is already overcome, so that the author, while ostensibly treating of contemporary ters," is really writing the history of an ephemeral fad. The account he gives (174) of the honors paid to Mascagni on account of his fifth-rate, vulgar Cavalleria Rusticana" makes very amusing reading even to-day, and the joke will grow richer with keeping.

66

mas

Yet, with the exception of Verdi and of Boïto (a man of one opera, now in his fifty. fourth year), Mascagni is the most talented of contemporary Italian composers. Leoncavallo is less vulgar, but also less spontaneous, and to call either of these or any of the others of the young men "masters" is a serious misuse of terms. They do not deserve to be incorporated in a musical history any more than the erotic ephemeral novelists of our time deserve, or will secure, a place in literary history. At the same time one can understand Mr. Streatfeild's perplexity. He was called upon to write about the famous Italian composers of the day; and as he could find only two who came under that head, he had to make notoriety take the place of fame in the other cases. As it is, the value of his book lies partly in the demonstration it gives of Italy's present musical poverty, and partly in the chapters on Verdi and Boïto, which are well written and interesting. If the book were called 'Verdi and Others,' its scope and value would be more obvious.

From Far Formosa. By G. L. Mackay, D.D. Fleming H. Revell Co. 1895.

THOSE writing to Tamsui or Taiwan must now address their letters "Japanese Empire." As valuable as timely is this richly freighted vol. ume treating of the country and people that may be said to be restored, rather than awarded as the spoils of war, to Japan. Formosa has an area of 15,000 square miles and a popu. lation of nearly 4,000,000. The climate is excessively trying to foreigners, for the island lies betwixt the monsoons and the Kuro Shiwo, or Black Current of the Pacific, and between the twentieth and twenty-fifth degrees north latitude. It is a land of tropical heat, of constant and excessive moisture, of intense energy in vegetable life, with quick growth and rapid decay, and of chronic malaria in the lowlands. The eastern part of the island is a great mountain mass, having a rocky seaface, for the most part without harbors, while the western portion contains plateaus, plains, and soil of amazingly fertile character.

This well-written, well-arranged, and wellindexed volume is probably the first general

work descriptive of the country and people. It presents facts collected and classified by one who has spent twenty-three years on the island among all varieties of people, native and foreign. The author, Dr. Mackay, was sent out by the Canadian Presbyterian Church. Admirably equipped for his work by nature and otherwise, he belongs to that too rare type of missionaries who work for the bodies as well as the souls of men. Dr. Mackay's idea, from the first, has been to raise up a native ministry, to find common ground of both faith and works, and to fit men to be preachers and livers of the Gospel in Formosa especially. Where he found no seed planted, there are now sixty churches, over a thousand communicant members, and thousands of Christian adherents. He has done what some missionaries fail utterly in doing-disarmed the prejudices of the white merchant, traveller, and tourist, and made the foreign residents his helpers and sympathizers. He has visited the wild savages in their mountain fastnesses, and has never quailed before howling mobs or men with murderous intent. Formosa is the land of toothache and malaria. When Dr. Mackay could not preach the Gospel, he extracted teeth and dispensed medicine. He has drawn out of their sockets no fewer than twenty one thousand decayed teeth. He has studied the flora, fauns, minerals, and resources of Formosa. Hence, his pages have unique value to the man of sciAt Tamsui, his headquarters, he has colleges for men and women, and museums for the study of the ethnology, religious and natural features and products of Formosa, and he gives his young preachers, as far as possible, a very practical and many-sided education. His story, modestly told, possesses thrilling inte rest, and is much assisted by maps and illustrations.

ence.

Dr. Mackay married a native Formosan lady, and the frontispiece portrays himself and family. For the book in its present form the Rev. J. A. Macdonald is responsible, Dr. Mackay having sailed away for Formosa in October, fully believing that the Japanese occupation will greatly improve the general situation, and confident that his plans are flexible enough to meet the new problems.

There is an aboriginal population of For. mosa, dwelling in the mountains and jungles, whose ruling passion is head-hunting. These swoop from their mountain lairs upon the Chinese engaged in camphor-wood cutting, rice-farming, or rattan pulling. The houses of the chiefs and warriors are decorated with the spoils of many years, and Chinese brain-sauce is a favorite tit-bit at a feast. These mountain savages also look upon the Chinese with supreme contempt, and direct their hatred also against those aborigines who have been conquered by the Chinese and have adopted the dress, cue, and religion of their conquerors. These subject people are called Pe-po-hoans, and occupy, in the main, the plateaus between the littoral and the mountains. The mountain savages look upon all men who do not wear the cue as their kinsmen, and this augurs well for the Japanese attempt to win them over to loyalty and obedience. The story of the French bombardment and invasion is told with wonderful fairness, and a chapter describing the work of the English Presbyterians in Southern Formosa (the Canadian Mission having the northern part for their field) concludes this extremely valuable work.

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NEW YORK, THURSDAY, MAY 14, 1896.

The Week.

NOTHING more amusing has been seen for a long time than the squirming of the spoilsmen in Congress over Mr. Cleveland's order bringing 30,000 more offices under the protection of the civil-service law, and leaving only a few hundred places, below those filled by Presidential appointment and Senatorial confirmation and above the grade of laborers and scullions, for the politicians to quarrel over. Although the immediate effect of the or

devised to overcome the sweeping order of the President."

Most delightful of all is the attempt of Henry Cabot Lodge to reconcile his practice as a demagogue with his professions as a would-be statesman. In the latter capacity he attended the Massachusetts Republican State convention only seven weeks ago, and helped to secure the pas sage of this resolution:

"The civil-service laws, which remove the

public service from the control of favoritism, patronage, and politics, should be honestly and thoroughly enforced, and the classified service extended wherever it is possible." President Cleveland's order comes almost

clare himself for them. He must remain silent until the platform is adopted at St. Louis." That is a sufficiently plain explanation. If the Major were to speak now, he would lose the support of either the Eastern delegates or the silver delegates; by keeping still, he hopes to get both, and, after thus securing the nomi

nation, he will let it be known which set of them he has deceived. As Speaker Reed expresses it: "McKinley does not want to be called a gold-bug or a silver-bug, so he has compromised on a straddle-bug." Gen. Alger's explanation is undoubtedly authentic, for not only has he come to us direct from McKinley, but others of the

men who hate "snivel-service reform'

abuse Mr. Cleveland for his action. Rep resentative Berry of Kentucky says that

"each Administration should be looked

after by its friends," while Representative Bailey, a free-coinage lunatic from Texas, says that he has grown tired of criticising the President for his many un-Democratic acts, and contents himself with styling the latest performance "indecent."

Naturally, however, the greatest indignation is manifested by the Republican spoilsmen. Representative Payne of New York says that he was elected to Congress on a civil-service platform, and he "believes in a practical civil-service law," but that the President's order is issued so late in his Administration that "it

looks as though he was endeavoring to take an undue advantage of his probable successor." Representative Odell of this State, who hopes that Platt will nominate him for Governor next fall, goes a step

further. He declares that he is a believer in the theory that "to the victors belong the spoils," and, although he does not expect to have a great deal of influence with the next Administration if it shall be presided over by Mr. McKinley, yet, for the benefit of the "Republican boys" who do the hard work for the party, he "hopes that the law may be changed or the

classifications modified by executive order, so that they may be taken care of." Representative Evans of Kentucky says that he "believes in practical and fair enforcement" of a "good civil-service law," but that it is "a mean political advantage" for the President to take of his

prospective successor, to wait until all the offices are filled with friends of the pre

sent Administration, and then attempt to close the door so that they cannot be removed or changed. Senator Thurston of Nebraska says he is not familiar with the existing law, but he believes that, if a Republican Administration is inaugurated next March, "ways and means will be

tion of the President beneficial to the ser

vice, since all previous extensions of the civil-service law have eventually helped to improve the public service, and the recent order may be expected to have a similar effect. But Lodge the demagogue points out that "there are many persons who will claim that the President has been too sweeping in his latest extension of the classified service "-in other words, in extending it wherever possible; and he contends that, if the next President wishes to reclassify some of the employees who are now protected by the latest order, he will have the power under the present law to do so, since the law that permits a President to extend the classified service also permits another President to curtail or limit the classifications. No reformer, however, need fear that the Lodges, and Evanses, and Odells, and Thurstons will have their way in this matter.

The McKinley boomers show visible signs of uneasiness over the assaults which are being made upon his financial record. Several of them have arrived in town simultaneously, and their explanations of the reasons why he is not able to say exactly where he stands at present fill many columns of the newspapers. They are all able to say that they have no doubt whatever of his soundness on the money question, and that he is "sure to be nominated," but they are all convinced that it would be folly for him to speak for himself now. Why? Gen. Alger explains that point most clearly by saying that the Major "greatly deplores the opposition

of the Eastern Republicans, and is fully aware that this opposition springs from

a demand that he should come out and signify himself to be a soundmoney man. As a matter of fact, though, the silver-men are making the same demands on him to come out and de

Despite the blare of the McKinleyites that the only issue is sky-high protection, it is the currency plank which continues to cause the hottest fighting in State conventions, and it is the currency plank which anxious business men first turn to as the great sign of the times for them. The Michigan Republicans voted down the mild gold plank offered by their committee on resolutions, and rushed madly off for a kind of weather-vane bimetallism. They did this in the face o Mr. Depew's plain warning that they could not carry New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, or even Massachusetts on such a platform. "Shall we bow to threats like that?" cried the McKinley-mad, silver-mad Republicans, and of course no man was craven enough to confess that he would. The surprising result was to leave the Michigan Republicans, supposed to be sound, on a silver platform, though the Michigan Democrats, thought to be hopelessly gone with the silver disease, had made a death-bed repentance of it and got upon a gold platform. In Indiana, things went better, and the emphatic declaration of the Republican convention against free coinage and for gold will be a decided help in the fight that undoubtedly needs to be made, and to be made earnestly, for a similar deliverance at St. Louis. The New Jersey Democratic currency plank is only as uncompromising as the Connectithe strongest one yet written. It is not cut Republican platform in declaring against coinage of silver "at any ratio," and as resolute and outspoken for the gold standard, but goes further than any Republican platform in demanding also the

entire divorce of the Government from the

banking business, and the retirement of all ing broadly, the silver cause is going down legal-tender Treasury notes. Thus, speakin both parties, though the sound-money

men in neither can afford for a moment to relax their vigilance or determination.

One of McKinley's managers was asked the other day why the Ohio candidate for