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expressed, Mr. Bayard says, are his opi- ried for any wild scheme. Not only has it to warrant the putting of any further unnions, “ formed by me after careful de- lost its old hold upon the public, but it is necessary strain upon it.” In short, Mr. liberation.” He adds ominously that regarded with a growing contempt. Sewell's speech was full of words of truth “when Congress shall have concluded its

and soberness. The wonder is that the action on the subject, it is possible that I

Mr. Sewell of New Jersey is one of the Shermans and Morrills and other veterans may desire to submit a further statelast members of the Senate from whom

of the Senate should have left the utterment.” The speech itself is then printed the country is wont to expect either the

ance of such words to a member whose at length, filling eight columns of the presentation of a notable proposition or

standing does not lend them the added Record. That comes under date Lon

an argument that deserves attention. But weight that they would receive coming don, December 12, but is only the begin the anti-Jingo resolution which he intro- from a leader of national reputation and ning. Under date of January 3 a cable duced a fortnight ago was striking in it

influence. despatch was sent by Olney to Bayard self, and it was supported last week in a saying that the House wanted informa-speech that was full of good sense and Senator Frye of Maine is a nice man to tion about an earlier speech, which re- sound reasoning. The New Jersey Sena- make an uproar about the Armenian ferred to the President as one who “stood

tor began by tracing the origin of the massacres. He is the calm, sensible legisin the midst of a strong, self-confident, Monroe Doctrine and setting forth the lator who expressed his regret that Spain and oftentimes violent people-men who limitations that were then put upon it, in apologized for the Alliança incident. sought to have their own way.” The contrast with the attempts now made to War for war's sake has no warmer friend, speech referred to, Mr. Bayard says, was extend it over half the globe. He pointed and war produces everywhere the state of delivered at the opening of the Boston

out that the position taken by the Presi-things which we are deploring in ArmeGrammar School in August last. He tells dent and the Secretary of State in the nia. It makes widows and orphans by the what the Boston Grammar School is, Venezuelan matter “practically means thousand; it destroys towns, cities, and and how he was invited to attend the that this Government must assume a pro- villages, and spreads famine and pestiopening exercises, and how he joined tectorate over Mexico, Central America, lence and destroys crops, and in fact rethe others in a dinner after the ex

and all the South American states, and duces the seat of operations to the ercises, where toasts were given and re

that, no matter whether these states be condition in which Armenia is to-day. sponded to extemporaneously, he being right or wrong, in any case of a conflict | Part of the reluctance of the Powers to one of the responders. Then he encloses with a European Power we pledge our- tackle the Turk is due to the dread of rea newspaper containing a report of the

selves as an ally to furnish men and mu- ducing large regions of Europe to a similar whole proceedings, including a list of the

nitions of war, and force enough to pro- condition. This is not an unworthy fear. scholars who took prizes, reports of the tect the weaker American Power against Of course it is a reproach to our civilizaexaminations in the classics and mathe

the stronger European Power.” What | tion that there should be any occasion for matics, all the speeches, including his such a policy would mean in the case of it—that the Powers should not be able to own, to the extent of fourteen columns of Venezuela he shrewdly showed by quot agree to abate the terrible nuisance known the Record. We hope that the House ing the remark of Mr. Olney in his corre- as Turkey without falling out among will derive profit from this report. By spondence, that "in 1848 Venezuela en- themselves; but we who are afraid that giving their entire time to it for the re

tered upon a period of civil commotions, an agreement between Great Britain and mainder of the session they would relieve which lasted for more than a quarter of Venezuela about a boundary line may enthe country very much.

a century, and the negotiations thus in danger our institutions, are hardly in a

terrupted in 1844 were not resumed until position to find fault with them. Every The two Senators from the new State 1876."

country contains its Jingoes, and there is of Utah were sworn in on Monday, and

nothing like the Jingo imagination for the seats in the upper branch are now all The closing passages of Mr. Sewell's detecting danger from foreign machinafilled, except one from Delaware, which speech were rendered particularly note- tions. If the Powers had one-quarter the will doubtless soon be awarded to the worthy by the fact that he showed some suspicion of each other that an American Republican claimant. The full Senate perception of the condition of the country, Jingo has of Great Britain, they would be now consists of ninety members-almost and of the folly of unnecessarily precipi. fighting like demons all the time. The twice as many as sixty years ago, and tating an international controversy now- way our Senate is going on just now, one-third more than at the outbreak of and such an attitude of mind has unhap- without either army or navy, gives one, the civil war, while almost one-sixth have pily become a rarity in the Senate. He we fear, but a faint idea of the way it come in during the last half-dozen years. expressed his conviction that a matter would go on in meddling, threatening, The Senate was never so large a body as which has been slumbering so many years and “claiming" if it had the great navy now, and it never stood lower in the pub- in a state of diplomatic repose might have which so many of us are longing for. lic esteem. The most striking feature in been delayed at least a few months longer, Fancy such an instrument of destruction the development of Congress during the and reminded his colleagues that “if we in the hands of men like Senators Frye past quarter of a century, and particular address ourselves to the proper ordering and Morgan and Davis. The true responly during the last ten years, has been the of our domestic economies, we have quite sibility for what is happening in Armenia steady and of late rapid decline in the enough now to engage our full time, and rests with Russia and Germany - with Senate, as compared both with its own upon which to exert our best mental ener- Russia for not offering to restore order in past and with the House of Representa.. gies." While believing that the execu- Armenia under a “mandate,” as the tives at the present time. Until

tive ought to uphold the honor of the na- French did in Greece in 1828, and in paratively recent period, the

upper branch

tion, he holds that “we have a right to Syria in 1860, and Austria in Bosnia and of Congress maintained to a great extent expect that discretion and good judgment Herzegovina in 1877; and Germany for its ancient hold upon the public mind as a will be exercised in bringing to a culmina- | not sustaining England in the recent defar more dignifieu, conservative, and able tion an issue so grave and serious as that monstrations. The notion that we can body than the House-a body which could now presented,” and he pronounced the apply pressure to the Porte which Engbe trusted to resist a popular craze, as in President's action “in this respect alike land cannot or will not apply, is one of 1868 it defeated the wild scheme for de. unseasonable and premature," in view of the whimsies of the day, posing Andrew Johnson through an abuse the facts that the country is yet "in a of the impeachment power. This position state of convalescence from the financial

The Boston Herald says: has now been entirely forfeited. The Se- malady of 1893,” and that "the still unnate to-day is a less conservative body settled and troublous condition of its

“Some of the greatest men of our country

have bad this habit of drinking heavily-it has than the House, and it is more easily car. financial affairs is too strongly in evidence 'gone into history as a weakness in their cha.

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racters; but wben there has been no public pose to fight, but to stay at home and shout for McKinley in public, but will display, the mantle of charity bas been cast over it by their contemporaries. It is better

read about the war in the "extras." They drop him the first moment they can find to answer the argument of Senator Morgan believe that war is necessary “ to develop any excuse. At best the situation is not than to abuse him for his personal habits.” the manhood of the nation "'; but it is not promising for “the logical candidate"; Well, the “mantle of charity” was grosely their manhood which needs development, at worst, his chances of getting the nomimisused when it was cast over this “ weak- but that of some other fellow. Theirs is nation will be no better than Sherman's Dess." Anyhow, whatever excuse a pub all right. It flinches at no danger which have so often proved to be. lic man may have had for “drinking somebody else will have to encounter. heavily" fifty years ago, he has none to

The inaugural address of the new Gov. day. If he cannot stop it, he ought to get out of public life. It is preposterous

The coming season ought to be an un document in itself, even if had not the

ernor of New Jersey would be a striking to make abstinence a condition of em- usually profitable one for the ocean steamployment in an engineer of a locomo ship companies, as there is to be an im. advantage of being in such sharp contrast

with the floods of inanity or folly with tive, or in a captain of a liner, and mense and enforced emigration of Ameri

which other governors have been inunallow a statesman whose blunders may

cans. Already the numbers are porten dating their Legislatures. Mr. Griggs's any day bring on a bloody war, to get tously large of those upon whom notice description of the plague of over-legisladrunk as often as he pleases and then has been served by the Jingo press that

tion from which New Jersey (and, he whine for the “mantle of charity.” they cannot stay in this country, but must

might have said, every State and the We believe we are the only civilized go at once to England, where they belong; wholo nation) is suffering, strikes home. people to-day who allow men high in office and the list is extending every day. The

The mass of hasty, ill-considered, ill-ex. to roll in the gutter with impunity. In college professors as a body will have to the early part of the century it was not so go, under the terms of this new alien and pressed, and conflicting laws on all sub.

jects that stuffs the general statutes is Everybody got drunk occasionally. But sedition act, together with the great mathere has been an immense change in jority of the clergy, the Chamber of Com. appalling. No lawyer can find his way manners since then, and the nation ought merce, most merchants and bankers, and through the jungle; the courts can but

contradict each other and themselves in to get the benefit of it, as well as rail

a few (we are thankful to say only a few) interpreting the hotch.potch. When the roads, steamboats, and factories. It is editors. It appears to-day that the "

pro

general statutes of New Jersey, under a monstrous that drunkards should be in English party” is now in the majority in

Constitution supposed to prevent all specapacitated for every service but the the United States Senate, prepared to

cial or class legislation, fill three large public service. As to Senator Morgan's side-track the Davis resolutions. So at

volumes of 1,000 pages each-or twice as "arguments," we shall answer them when least fifty Senators will have to emigrate. much space as the revised statutes of the we see them. We know of none at preThe House foreign affairs committee is

United States-the greatness of the evil is sent. With his blatherskite we are very pro-English too, and of course must go

apparent. Nothing but endless litigation, familiar, but blatherskite is not refutable. also, along with the Speaker and a ma

uncertainty, waste, destruction of properjority of the House. All these classes

ty, and contempt for government and Commodore Sicard made some remarks come, by their actions, under the head of

courts can result from this huge conflict last Thursday about the condition of our “ pernicious foreigners.” whom newspa- of laws. Against the general and perninavy which are likely to call down upon pel the country on thirty days' notice. In pers have the constitutional right to ex

cious superstition that all the ills of huhim the rebukes of the Jingoes who are a crisis like the present they only weaken

manity can be cured by law, Gov. Griggs eager for immediate war with England: “The ships we have so far are good ones, but enemy. We must not allow foreigners to

We must offer a united front to the squarely arrays himself, and flatly says

that he will veto every law which has not we really are only upon the thresbold of the

some positive and convincing reasons to development of such a navy as we sbould suspect for a moment that there is a sin. bave is the bave a humber of good cruisers, gle man in this country who ever thinks, justify it. Laws enacted out of mutual

it battle-that sary in war. We need about fifteen or twenty or asks the reason why he must do and complacence will find no toleration from more ships--good battle-ships. It takes four die, or does anything but bellow and foam

him, he serves notice. or five years to build a battle-ship, and that is

at the mouth. time enough to be beaten many times oyer."

For years the sugar interests of the ArLodge and Chandler ought to introduce

gentine Republic have enjoyed the benea resolution at once expressing in stern Nobody will be surprised to learn that fit of a high protective tariff on imported terms their disapproval of a naval officer the McKinley boom is encountering ob. sugars. With cane cheaper than in any who will admit that we have only the be- stacles in Ohio. All his enemies among other country, with no duty to pay on imgioning of a navy, that cruisers are really the Republican managers in his State, ported machinery, and with labor under of small account in a war, and that before and they are neither few nor weak, have perfect control at low wages, the price of we could get an efficient navy constructed declared over and over again that they sugar in that country has been more than we might be “beaten many times over." are for Ohio's Favorite Son, heart and double the cost of the imported article What Commodore Sicard says is, it is soul, and yet McKinley is not happy nor minus the duty. This condition of things true, what every competent and frank are his friends at ease. The radical trou naturally caused overproduction until the Daval officer has been saying in private ble seems to be that no Republican poli-demand was exceeded by many thousand for weeks past; but what do the Jingo tician in Ohio trusts any other Republic tons. To avert the logical result-a lowwarriors care about that? Naval officers can politician, and all of them expectering of prices—the sugar-makers are are aware that cruisers would be of small | " treachery” as a matter of course. Fora forced to export and dispose of their suruse to us in a war with England, because ker, for example, has taken occasion pub- plus in the open market. To recoup them the two nations which sell coal are Eng. licly to declare that Ohio must support for the loss involved, a pliant minister of land and America, and our cruisers would McKinley with enthusiasm, and yet Mc-finance has considerately submitted to the not be able to replenish their supply if | Kinley organs announce tbat “ill-advised Chambers a project to levy an internal tax they were to get away from American persons” in various sections of Ohio who of 4 cents a kilogramme on all sugars sold ports. They know also that what is need“ pretend to be friends of Foraker" are in the republic, and to devote the fund so ed to protect American seaboard cities is seeking to “inject bim into the Presiden- acquired to a bounty of 12 cents a kilobattle-ships, of which we have only a few tial race.” Wicked Democratic organs go gramme to the producers for every kiloat present, and these would offer small much further, and insist that Foraker is gramme exported. Here we have the docresistance to England's powerful ships. bent on "knifing ” McKinley, and that trine of protection "developed " with the But what do the Jingoes care for lit. the Ohio delegation to the St. Louis con severe logic of an Olney mind getting out tle things like these? They do not pro- I vention will be made up of men who will of a doctrine "all there is in it."

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THE "DOCTRINE."
declaration in 1823.” Whether called a land; whether

“practically declaration or a doctrine, it had not yet sovereign on this continent and our fiat Now that we are nearing the close of the acquired the sacroscant character now law” in any matter about which we choose Jingo craze, it is impossible for the calm ascribed to it. Mr. Root declared that to concern ourselves. Ask him these quesobserver to avoid the conclusion that it Mr. Monroe had no authority to commit tions without letting him perceive your owed much of its gravity and extent to the succeeding generations by his declaration, object, and he will undoubtedly laugh a fashion of calling the policy recommended

and even went so far as flippantly to reby President Monroe by the name of “doc-mark: “It was sometimes very conve

merry laugh, and ask you for whom you

take him, or request you “ to give him an trine." When it was first called a “doc nient, when gentlemen had a point to easier one.” But if you then go on and trine,” we are not yet able to say with

carry, to resort to some of Mr. Monroe's tell him that all these things are part and positiveness, but it was apparently long old musty letters."

parcel of the Monroe Doctrine, that they after 1823. The expression was not used

At all events, “doctrine" is an unfor- flow out of it, he will at once become grave during the discussion in Congress of a

tunate term-in the first place, because and reverential, and say: "Ah, that is a proposition to send delegates to the Pa

it is not strictly descriptive. But the different matter. If it is all in the Monroe nama Congress in 1826, which involved

second objection to it is more serious. It Doctrine, I have nothing to say. I am for frequent references to Mr. Monroe's state

is that the term fell among a people bred the Monroe Doctrine every time.” And ment. A passage in a speech of Daniel in theological discussion, and accustomed he will support the Monroe Doctrine, and Webster's made on April 14, in the course

to use doctrine as a term of mystery and "stand behind" any one who recommends of that debate, shows that the term “doc. divine authority. Webster gives various its application, without discussion or extrine” had not then become fixed, and definitions of it, such as “teaching,” amination, just as a Mussulman rallies to that there was in Mr. Webster's mind,

" instruction,” like "Christ's doctrine," the sacred standard in a holy war. The and probably in that of the public, a

or "a body of principles of faith," like Monroe Doctrine, like all doctrines firmclear appreciation of the fact that Presi.

the "doctrine of atoms,” or “the doctrine ly held, is fundamental, above criticism, dent Monroe was not teaching a doctrine, of gravitation,” or “the doctrines of the something to fight for and die for, like all but was making a declaration of policy | Bible.” He mentions the Monroe Doc- articles of religious faith. with regard to our own interests exclu

trine, but he gives no definition of “doc- The inconvenience, for a great commersively, when he issued his celebrated mes

trine" which will cover Monroe's recom-cial state, of having a doctrine of this sort, sage. Here it is, and we have italicized

mendation. In fact, in popular use, both which intimately concerns not our eternal the expressions which confirm our view:

in Monroe's time and down to our own but our temporal welfare, is not discuesa“It is, doubtless, true, as I took occasion to day, a doctrine was something with super-ble, and has to be enforced without regard observe the other day, that this declaration human authority behind it, and which to consequences, has been made very plain must be considered as founded on our rights, and to spring mainly from a regard to their could not be approached from a purely during the past few weeks. If Monroe's preservation. It did not commit us, at all mundane point of view. To the ordinary opinion were called, not a doctrine but a events, to take up arms on any

indication of plain American,” a doctrine is something policy, we think there is hardly a doubt hostile feeling by the Powers of Europe towards South America. If, for example, all the States different from, and much more serious that the appointment of a commission of Europe had refused to trade with South than, an opinion, or theory, or recommen- like that now serving to report on the America until ber states should return to their former allegiance, that would have furnished dation; something to be handled more boundary between Great Britain and Veneno cause of interference to us.

Or, if an arma. reverently and to be accepted with less zuela would have taken place in a quiet ment bad been furnished by the Allies to act question. He finds it difficult to believe, and gentlemanly way, as the result of against provinces the most remote from us, as Chili or Buenos Ayres, the distance of the therefore, that Monroe's advice to inter-friendly communication with Great Briscene of action, diminishing our apprehension

fere in the affairs of the Spanish-Ameri- tain. Policy is something intended for of danger, and diminishing, also, our means of effectual interposition, might still have left can states if they are attacked by a human happiness, and to be considered us to content ourselves with remonstrance. European Power is a piece of political ad. with reference to human comfort and con. But a very different case would bave arisen if an army, equipped and maintained by these vice, to be examined (like every other) as venience, while doctrine concerns the Powers, had been landed on the shores of the a piece of policy with reference to time, things of the spirit, the unknown or unGulf of Mexico, and commenced the war in our own immediate neighborhood. Such an event

place and circumstances, and probable knowable concerns of the individual soul. might justly be regarded as dangerous to our. result.

A nation which lives by doctrine is necesselves, and, on that ground, to have called for If any one doubts this, we advise him sarily, like Turkey, somewhat, at least, of decided and immediate interference by us. The sentiments and the policy announced by to make an experiment with any of his a theocracy. It has often to pursue the declaration thus understood were, there older neighbors by propounding to him, courses in obedience to the doctrine which , fore, in strict conformity to our duties and

for acceptance, separately and apart from are full of misery for man as a member of our interests."

the others, any one of the “develop- human society. A nation which lives by In 1848 President Polk sont to Con- ments” of the Monroe Doctrine to be policy or expediency, on the other hand, gress a message, regarding affairs in Yuca- found in Secretary Olney's despatch of asks itself at every step, “Does this make tan, which provoked a debate that in July 20, for example. Ask him whether, for justice, for peace, for law? Is it reavolved frequent references to Mr. Mon- when a community of "yellow-bellied sonable? Will it increase the burdens or roe's position, and in this debate we find Dagoes” down there quarrels with a promote the comfort of the poor? Will it the expression "doctrine" used European Power, we ought to take it cherish the great interests of civilization, than once. “The President," said Mr. for granted that the European Power is the spread of knowledge, the rule of Holmes of South Carolina, “had taken in the wrong and the Dagoes in the right; science, the feeling of brotherhood among the opportunity of reiterating a doctrine or whether the Dagoes ought to be allow the sorely tried and much puzzled nations which was said to be the doctrine of Mr. , ed to choose a European arbitrator in of the earth?” Of all the misfortunes Monroe; and there never was a more in- any of their quarrels; or whether which can overtake a society, the greatest appropriate time for the assertion of that Dago ought to be allowed to accept the is having to live under a dominion which doctrine, even if it did apply.” Mr. Bag boundary claim of a European colony cannot be discussed, and which cannot be by of Alabama “did not think that the to his own detriment, or to enter into judged by its probable results. doctrine contained in the declaration of Mr. Monroe either sanctioned or discoun- one of his sister republice; whether the which we have no space here, we think tenanced this measure.” But even at Dago states, Chili or Peru, for example, the chances of future peace and order on that time doctrine was not universally ac- by “natural sympathy, by similarity this continent would be much improved cepted as the proper term, and Mr. Root of governmental institution,” were "our if we got into the way of talking of the of New York referred to an assertion that natural friends and allies, commercially Monroe Doctrine as the Monroe Policy, "Mr. Monroe had committed us by his and politically," more 80 than Eng. I and taught the coming generation that,

more

an alliance with a European Power against for these reasons, and many others for

far from being a thing to die for, it was made much excitement, because its action mity enough to serve them at the peril of their a thing to examine when the time came would have been set down to “ politics,"

displeasure.” for its use, just like taxation, or the liquor and Mr. Cleveland would bave been relied With the position which Mr. Cleveland question, or good roads, or judicial orga- on to prevent any mischievous result. It had before the country in November last nization. This Government was founded was Mr. Cleveland, therefore, and Mr. he could well have waited calmly for any first and foremost for the benefit of citi. Cleveland alone, who made the panic, and act of folly the majority in Congress could zens of the United States, and not for that he virtually confessed in his second, bys- commit. He was waiting in that attitude of Venezuelans, Guatemalans, Costa Ri- terical message, that he had not duly con- for their financial or fiscal follies. He excans, or Chilians. Monroe meant his doc- sidered the possible consequences of the pected, and the public expected him, to trine avowedly to subserve, before all else, step he was taking.

meet them with a veto. Nay, his enemies the safety, honor, and welfare of his own The second weakness of the story is in Congress used the certainty of a veto country. more serious. It is a confession that our

as a reason for not being so foolish as they sanest statesman was ready on a pinch would have liked. He was put in the Pre

to administer the Government on homæ sidency to stand guard against such things HOMEOPATIIY LV GOLERNMENT.

opathic principles; that is, when he heard as the Davis resolution, as much as against WHEN the Jingo craze was at its height, that a coördinate branch was going to a free-silver bill or a McKinley tariff. There the story reached us, through an excellent engage in an enterprise injurious in the was no likelihood that Congress would channel, that the excuse for Mr. Cleve highest degree to the national interests, exercise the war-declaring power. What land's message was that he had learned he was prepared to anticipate it by ad

was to be anticipated was a blatherskite that the Republicans in Congress were ministering to the unfortunate people a concurrent resolution, like the one now preparing, and would surely pass, a war- smaller dose of the same stuff. Foresee before the Senate, and that he could have like resolution directed against England, ing that Congress would shortly get met with a veto which would have given and that he felt com pelled, as a politician, drunk, he determined, by way of cure, to him the opportunity of his life, and sent to forestall them, in his own interest and anticipate their bout by one of his own, him out of office with a reputation followthat of his party. On Thursday the Eve- feeling that his own recovery would be ing close on that of Washington and Linning Post printed a despatch from its speedier than theirs and less costly. But coln. He might in such a veto have exWashington correspondent, containing an- the result was that they joined him in his plained the exact condition of the Veneother version of the same story, on still carouse, and they both went to work to zuelan negotiations, and have revealed our better authority. This ran as follows: smash the national furniture and crock- own ignorance of the merits of the contro"We all knew it [the Davis resolution) as

ery. We have not a word to say against versy, have announced his plan for seeking long ago as last epring. Tbe scheme was care- the homeopathic system as a therapeutic light on the subject, have defined the fully hatched, undoubtedly for political pur-agency for the human body, but in daily nature and scope of the “Monroe Docposes and potbing higher. The President sim. ply headed it off. The public furor which this life no one calls in a homeopathic doctor trine," the rights it proclaims and the action of Congress would bave brought about without knowing what he is about, and duties it imposes, and have, at the same has simply been discounted and, now that the Jingo resolution is before the people, it is found

the nature of the remedies to be prescrib-time, formulated the American view of to have spent its force. The people found all ed to him. X The President of the United they wanted in the President's message, and

war as a means of settling controversies States has no license to practise it on the have no use for the Senate resolution. The

among nations, in a way that would have Senate has already discovered tbis. As a re. people of the United States. It would be made one of the great state papers of sult the Davis resolution won't pass the Senate. impossible to find in any debate or discusMark my prophecy. It is losing friends every

American history, and have substituted day. Had Congress, however, actiog sion of the Constitution the smallest au

the Cleveland Doctrine for the Monroe by itself, passed such a measure as the Davisthority for the doctrine that the President Doctrine in the popular mind and memory. resolution on tbe eve of Great Britain's asser. tion of ber elaim in Venezuela, it would bave

may head off anticipated folly on the part | This is what those who most admired him been equivalent to a declaration of war. I con. of Congress by minor folly of his own. and have longest supported him, expected tend, therefore, that the President performed

The framers of the Constitution had of him. a valuable public service in the interests of peace in forestalling Congress and robbing it evidently never dreamed that any such

Their bitter disappointment is due to of its hostile ammunition."

theory of the President's powers or duties that most pernicious legacy of the Middle Here, as will be seen, the President acts would ever see the light, much less be ac

Ages, that fatal “relic of barbarism," the simply in the interest of peace, and not cepted. Hamilton says in the Federalist: idea that even for us—" foremost in the in that of party. He hears that Congress “The republican principle demands that the

files of time" as we consider ourselves, is disposed to declare war, so he deter- deliberate sense of the coinmunity should gov. war is a thing not to be pondered or dis

ero the conduct of those to whom tbey intrust mines to declare it in advance of them, in the management of their affairs; but it does

cussed; that when contemplating the most the belief that his war would not be taken not require an unqualified complaisance to awful action that man can take against so seriously as the congressional war, and every sudden breeze of passion, or to every transient impulse which the people may re.

the peace and dignity of his fellow-man, would be more readily got rid of.

ceive from the arts of men who flatter their it is base to reflect, to reason, to take There are two weaknesses in this story. prejudices to betray their interests. It is a counsel, to seek the better way; that in

jusť observation that the people commonly such crises the nearer we get to the enrag. One is that Congress, far from leaving him intend the public good. This often applies to to fight the British alone, immediately

their very errors. But their good sense woulded tiger or bulldog, the more reason we stood behind him," and endorsed his they always reuson right about the means of despise the adulator who should pretend that

have to be proud of ourselves. If there war measure without debate-an incident, promoting it. They know from experience was one man in the country whom last we think, without parallel in the history that they so seldom err as they do, beset

, as

that they sometimes err: and the wonder is November we considered superior to this of parliamentary government. The cra

they continually are, by the wiles of parasites sad delusion, we should have said it was ziest war venture of any modern nation and sycophants by the snares of the ambitious, Mr. Cleveland. We consider his subserwas that of France in 1870, but that pro

the avaricious, the desperate, by the artifices viency to it, next to the wild “standing

of men who possess their confidence more than ject was before the Chambers and under they deserve it, and of those who seek to pos- behind” him when he issued his chal

rather than to it. When occadiscussion for nearly two weeks—that is, sions present themselves in which the interesans lengo, the saddest sight this century bas from July 6 to July 19. What frightened of the people are at variance with their iveli witnessed. the country and the world in December nations, it is the duty of the persons whom

they bave appointed to be the guardians of was not wbat Congress said or did, but those interests, to withstand the temporary what the President said and did, for he delusion in order to gire them time and oppor.

TARIFF LEGISLITIO.V. held the confidence of the country for Instavces might be cited in which a conduct of

funity for more cool and sedate reflection Colorado beld the attention of the counsteadiness and self-control and courage this kind bas saved the people from very fatal try on Wednesday of last week in rather and rationality, in a remarkable degree. consequences of their own mistakes and has procured lasting monuments of their grati.

an impressive way. In addition to SenaCongrt se, speaking alone, would not have tude to men who had courage and magpani.

tor Wolcott's brilliant speech on the Da.

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vis resolution, Senator Teller delivered ing lectured by Senators who know equally bas destroyed the profits of legitimate in

well that the revenubill will not become a one on the tariff bill and the financial

dustry, injuring the producer for the boneJaw. There has never been the slightest ex situation generally, which made a decided peciation of its becoming a law. Even if it fit of the non-producer, increasing the stir and is likely to have important conseshould be brought before the Senate and final

burden of the debtor, and swelling the quences. Mr. Teller's speech, like that 1 ly passed by the aid of two or three Populist gains of the creditor, paralyzing the pro

votes, it would be sure to meet with an execu. of his colleague, was effective in telling live veto. Had you the slightest expectation ductive energies of the American people, the truth at a critical moment, and

of its ever becoming a law it would have been relegating to idleness vast numbers of will

framed on very different lines. It was just knocking over a lot of humbugs that had put in to Congress as a political move, and for ing workers, sending the shadows of debeen leaning against each other ever since no other purpose. As this is to be a political spair into the home of the honest toiler,

play, we will play politics on our side.' the session began, maintaining an uncer

filling the land with tramps and paupere, tain equilibrium, and sure to fall if any. This is something more than a hint that and building up colossal fortunes at the body should give them a front blow. the Republican silver Senators are not to money centres." In connection with this

The centre of Mr. Teller's attack was be coaxed or coerced into passing the misstatement of the causes of the present
the House tariff bill which is still in the tariff bill merely to give the wool-growers stringency we call attention also to an.
Senate committee on finance. The histo- a good position at some future time. other, which Senator Sherman had the
ry of this bill is pretty well known. It What the latter want is the chance to say, hardihood to make in his debate with
was concocted by the Ohio wool-growing whenever the Republican party comes Senator Teller on Wednesday. The sub-
triumvirate-the same who laid the foun-into full power: “You passed our billject under debate was the pending sale of
dation for the McKinley tariff in 1889-'90. when you could not get the approval of bonds, and Mr. Teller remarked, with per-
This interesting clique came to Washing. the executive ; you committed yourselves fect simplicity and perfect truth: “You
top before the present session began, and to us then, and you cannot go back now; are not selling bonds to meet deficiencies
took steps to commit the Republican par- therefore please to pass it again.” The [of revenue). You are selling bonds to
ty to the enactment of a tariff on wool, not free-silver Republicans have no particular accumulate gold.” To which Mr. Sher-
now, but a year or two hence, provided objection to the wool bill per se. They man replied:
the party should be successful in the com-simply want to force their own measure

"If there was no deficiency, there would be ing Presidential election. It was a game along with it. This they cannot do, and no demand for gold. For fourteen years that that these people were very familiar with. they know that they cannot, but neither $100,000,000 of gold stood there in the Trea

sury, a standard of credit, and no one ap. They had played it often. Revenue for will they allow any other measure for the proached it or diminished it. But the moment the Government had nothing to do with private interest of a class to go through

the deficieocies occur, then they say they sell

the bonds to keep the gold reserve good; but it it; but the Republican leaders, when the while theirs is kept behind, especially is to meet the deficiencies, because to meet the measure was forced upon them, put the when its object is not of a practical nature deficiencies they take the gold.” revenue pretence forward as a stalking at present, but is merely to commit the

It is very convenient for Mr. Sherman horse. They passed the bill through the party to pass some similar bill at some

to overlook the operation of the act of House as one of the happy financial con- future time.

July 14, 1890, otherwise called the Sherceits of the hour, along with the Venezu. It is in the interest of good government

man act, which added nearly $200,000,000 ela Commission bill and the bond bill. It that Mr. Teller and those who stand

to the fiat money of the country, and reached the Senate simultaneously with with him should stand firm. The wool alarmed the public on both sides of the the bond bill, and both were referred to bill, besides being a bad measure, is a water to euch an extent that they began the finance committee, which is a free- game of false pretences. The leading to withdraw capital from this country, silver committee presided over by the most Republicans, in fact, do not want it to and continued to do so until the panic of pronounced gold-bug in the Senate. pass. The woollen industry of the coun. 1893 occurred and it became necessary to

This committee promptly substituted try bas scarcely yet adjusted itself to free repeal that fatal measure. The operation a free-coinage bill for the bond bill, and wool, and now it is asked to turn a second of the Sherman act was coincident with a then eat upon the tariff bill, waiting to summersault and adjust itself to a high deficiency of revenue, but it was itself a see what would be the effect on the taritf on its raw material. Of course

cause contributing to the deficiency, betemper of the House. The effect being this will not be the last of it. A new

cause it required the purchase of 4,500,nil, mutterings began to be heard in the tax on wool will lead to renewed efforts 000 ounces of silver bullion each month, free-silver camp to the effect that the to throw it off, and these efforts will be

or more than twice as much as had been tariff bill was a measure for the protec- successful eventually. Meanwhile the required before. The purchases were made tion of wool-growers, that it was for reve. business will be “all torn up." There in a deceitful, or at all events misleading, nue pot to the Government but to private can be po settled trade, no steady em- way. The Government paid for the silver individuals, and that silver-miners were ployment. It is bad enough to have with Treasury notes; but as the potes just as much entitled to a tax for their all our industries based on the rolling

were redeemable on demand in gold, it benefit as wool-growers or anybody else. stone of an uncertain standard of value. might as well have paid gold directly for Yet the McKinley organs were hopeful | The woollen industries, if we set out on

the silver bullion so bought. As a matter that, as Senator Jones, who held the a new tariff adventure, will have to bear

of fact, the exports of gold from the coun. balance of power in the committee, had the silver trouble, which is common to try during the time the Sherman act was been a good Republican before he went all, and another one special to them. in operation were just about equal to the over to the Populists, he would allow free selves. It will be something of a paradox emission of Treasury notes. The author play to his natural instincts and let this if they find relief from the latter at the of the act in question has reasons enough little bill pase without a free-silver amend-hands of those who are producing the for ignoring that feature of the panic of ment. Such an amendment, if securely former.

1893 and the subsequent misery; but the fastened to the wool bill, would kill the

business men who were ruined by it, and whole measure in the House. Hence the

the multitudes who were thrown out of importance of getting it past the danger | THE SILVER PARTY'S PLATFORM.

employment in consequence of it, have point of the finance committee.

The silverites, in their preliminary con- too many reasons to remember it. It has not yet passed that point whenvention at Washington on Thursday, Senator Aldrich, too, was harping on Mr. Teller pounces upon it and shakes it adopted a preliminary platform with seve- the gold reserve and the fact that it never as a terrier would shake a rat. His opin- ral preambles, one of which recites that fell below $100,000,000 until the present ion of it was expressed in the following the demonetization of silver in 1873 caused Administration camo into power. Mr. vigorous terms:

a fall in the prices of all kinds of property Teller wae quite well aware of this. Mr. “I know very well that the free silver bill “except in peculiarly favored localities." Aldrich explained, further, that there will not become a law. But I am tired of be- | It proceeds to say that “such fall of prices were fluctuations up and down, but never,

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