learning their rights. The darkness of the middle ages eclipsed for a while the dawning light, and arrested the onward movement of the world. The reformation came and snapped the fetter that bound it, and bade it march forward. Under the power and institutions of despotism it seemed to sally back towards its primitive darkness, when the earthquake opened under the Bourbon throne, and down sank a whole dynasty, and an hereditary nobility with it, while the world standing aghast, again looked out from its prison house. The world is straining in its fetters, England is feeling the pressure of the spirit of the age more sensibly than all other nations. Thus far we have shown that democracy has advanced in England-not only in its demands but its conquests. The past is plain. Nothing has checked its progress. It is onward with a strength that prostrates all opposition, and WHAT SHALL THE END BE? The question is not destined long to remain without an answer. BOOK THE ELEVENTH. THE ISSUE. "Well may'st thou stand, when nation's wheel But when thy starving millions feel A foe in thee alone, Nor throne, nor lords, nor martial power, Can stand the onset of that hour." Who can tell what dangers, and what calamities may lie hid within what remains of the present century! who can tell how intense may be the distress, how fierce the animosities, or how unscrupulous the factions that may be let loose upon us.-Edinb. Review. The greatest powers have fallen victims to extended empire.John A. Dix. BOOK ELEVENTH. THE ISSUE, ALL this must end in something. It is not to vanish in smoke. A crisis of some sort England is fast approaching. Local outbreaks and sudden discontents from some unpopular measure, may be quelled. But the movements in England now are of a different character. It is not the surface that is ruffled, but the profoundest depths of the nation's soul are stirred. Beginning with reluctance, and advancing by slow degrees, every measure of resistance in the power of government, except extreme physical force, has been employed to quell them. This last she dare not now use. It is too late, if it ever would have done. To employ it now would turn England into one great slaughter-house. All the power vested in a proud aristocracy and prouder throne, has been expended, while the spirit of discontent has steadily increased. Every year presents sadder sights. Every Parliament struggles in deeper water. Every petition takes a louder and a firmer tone. Reform or revo lution, thorough reform or thorough revolution England must have. She may choose between the two. I know there are many things favourable to the stability of the English throne-that she contains many elements of strength, which in certain stages of her history it would be necessary to take into the calculation, in order to draw right conclusions of her fate. But all these may be cast out when we find a counter power at work, which reduces them to nothing in its mightier, its resistless progress. In its commencement, these great forces which rest in the hand of every government, furnish grounds for conjecture concerning the issue. Before the antagonist powers have tested their respective strength, all reasoning concerning the result must be wholly problematical. But when the test has been fairly applied, and physical strength is found to be utterly powerless in the struggle, then it requires no prophet's ken to read the result. He that can weave the simplest web of thought, can come to right conclusions. This test has been applied to England. Her great resources have been called into the field. Their action is seen in the attempts to bribe the leaders, and divide the forces arming against her. It is seen in the effort to draw off the suffering part of her population by extensive emigration; and more than all, in the partial reforms she from time to time grants to prevent an explosion. All these things combined have had their effect. In ordi |