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detachment fent for a perfectly different purpofe-to do the mere parade-duty of the new monarchy. That this was a large detachment we do not deny; and still lefs would we difpute the claims of those who conquered it to their own immortal renown. We only contend that it was not the army with which France intended to fubdue Spain. Suppofe that France were at this moment to declare war against Pruffia ;-no human being can affect to doubt (except, perhaps, thofe wretched drivellers who conduct the French emigrant prefs in London) that the miferable fragments which remain of that monarchy, would inftantly crumble into Bonaparte's hand. And why do we fo furely form this expectation? Because we know, that immediately upon the commencement of hoftilities, he would fend a fufficient force to annihilate every thing that might dare to refift. But if, by any unaccountable error in his calculation, he fhould only fend one half of the requifite force; -if, for example, the Pruffian army being fifty thousand ftrong, Bonaparte were to fend only thirty thousand men across, the Rhine, or wherever Pruffia is now to be found, and to leave them without reinforcements; or if, by any other blunder, he were to leave fuch a force expofed, having fent it on fome different fervice; they would probably be entirely defeated; yet, would any man fay that Pruffia was reftored by this fort of victory? Neverthelefs, it would be quite true that a large French army had been beaten by the Pruffians. And the only reason why this victory would fignify nothing is, that Bonaparte would most certainly pour a hundred thousand men into Brandenburgh the week after.

In like manner, the Spaniards have not yet tried their ftrength against their formidable adverfary. They have attacked him unawares, and beaten him by furprise. He has not even girded himfelf for the fight; and they have only overpowered him unarmed. He will rally, and renew the combat. The whole battle is ftill to begin. We have feen, in reality, nothing of it. Army after army will be poured through the Pyrenees, and all Spain muit become a field of blood. The zeal of the Spaniards has now to withstand the skill of the French captains, and the difcipline of their veteran foldiers. The councils of the different kingdoms of which the Spanish monarchy is compofed, are matched against the the vigour and unity of a fingle, practifed, abfolute, remorfelcis The enthufiafm of the patriots has to contend against the regular, habitual, animal courage of profeffional foldiers; and the question is, which of thofe two feelings is likely to prevail in the long run ;-to bear up against difficulties and privations-to furvive difafters-and to endure the inactivity of protracted operations. Such is the conteft which is now beginning in Spam, and fuch are the grounds of our melancholy forebodings, that it will lead to the fubjugation of the moft gallant people in the world.




It is, indeed, melancholy to reflect on these things, when we confider how glorious would be the effects of the liberation of Spain. There is no occafion for defcribing, in this place, the more obvious confequences of fuch a triumph, in permanently weakening the power of France, overcoming the terror of her name, and extending both the political and commercial influence of Eng land. We are rather difpofed at prefent to view another lefs expofed part of the picture, and to contemplate the effects of the firuggle upon the caufe of civil liberty; and we do fo the rather, that a part of thofe good confequences are likely to enfue from the glorious efforts already made, although it should terminate unfuccefsfully.

The refiftance to France has been entirely begun and carried on by the people in Spain. Their Kings betrayed them-fled, and ruthed, with the whole of their bale courtiers, into the arms of the enemy. Their nobles followed; and it is painful to reflect, that fome of the most diftinguished of this body, after attending Ferdinand to Bayonne, returned in the train of Jofeph, and only quitted his fervice when the univerfal infurrection of the common people drove him from his ufurped throne. The people, then, and, of the people, the middle, and, above all, the lower orders, have alone the merit of raifing this glorious oppofition to the common enemy of national independence. Those who had fo little of what is commonly termed intereft in the country,-thofe who had no flake in the community (to fpeak the technical language of the aristocracy),-the perfons of no confideration in the ftate,-they who could not pledge their fortunes, having only lives and liberties to lofe, the bulk-the mafs of the people,-nay, the very odious, many-headed beaft, the multitude-the mob itfelf-alone, uncalled, unaided by the higher claffes,-in despite of thefe higher claffes, and in direct oppofition to them, as well as to the enemy whom they fo vilely joined,-raifed up the ftandard of infurrection,-bore it through maffacre and through vic tory, until it chafed the ufurper away, and waved over his deferted courts. Happen what will in the fequel, here is a grand and permanent fuccefs, a leffon to all governments,-a warning to all oligarchies, a cheering example to every people. Not a name of note in Spain was to be feen in the records of the patriotic proceedings, until the caufe began to flourish; and then the higher orders came round for their fhare in the fuccefs. The Spaniards, then, owe their victory, whether it unhappily ftops thort at its prefent point, or ends in the expulfion of the invaders, wholly to the efforts of the peopic.

Suppofe for a moment that they fucceed; that France gives way before the tries the iffue of the impending conteft; or is finally de



feated, and Spain freed ;-Will the gallant people, after performing fuch wonders, quietly open the doors of the Efcurial to the fame herd of crowned or titled intriguers, who, firft by mifruling the monarchy, and then by deferting it in that utmost need into which their mifrule had brought it, had rendered neceffary all the effufion of blood, and had almoft rendered it vain? Having fhed their best blood in refcuing their houfe from a banditti admitted by the cowardice or treachery of the watchmen, will the Spaniards be fuch fools as to reftore thofe poltroons and traitors to their former pofts, and renew a confidence fo univerfally abufed? No man can hefitate one inftant in faying, that this thing neither ought to be, nor will be. Common juftice demands fuch a change of government as will give the people who have faved the ftate-who have reconquered it, a fair falvage-a large share in its future management. Common fenfe requires an alteration in the political conftitution of the monarchy, fufficiently radical to guard it against a recurrence of the late crifis. And if all confiderations of juftice and of prudence were out of the question, the Spanish court may be affured of this, that the feelings of our common nature, the universal fentiments of right and of pride which must prevail among a people capable of fuch gallant deeds, will prevent the repetition of the former abufes, and carry reform-change-revolution (we dread not the ufe of this word, fo popular in England before the late reign of terror), falutary, juft, and neceffary revolution, over all the departments of the state.

Such, we may be affured, will be the immediate confequence of the Spaniards ultimately triumphing over their enemies, and reftoring the peninfula to independence. Whether Ferdinand or Charles be the monarch, we care not; or whether a new ftock be brought from Germany for a breed. That they fhould have a king, every one must admit, who believes that an hereditary monarch, well fettered by the constitution, is the best guardian of civil liberty. But who the monarch is, must be a matter of little moment, provided he is fufficiently controuled in the exercife of his delegated and refponfible truft. And whatever may be the form of the checks impofed upon him, we shall be fatisfied, provided the bafis of a free conftitution is laid deep and fteady in a popular reprefentation. Many years muft elapfe before this can be corrupted, and betray the people to the Crown; for the general fentiments of liberty, of contempt for bad rulers, of refiftance to all enemies foreign and domeftic,-the univerfal feeling of their own powers, from the recollection of their great actions, will long remain among the Spanish people, and thake to atoms every court-intrigue hoftile to their rights.

Let us further recollect, that this system of liberty will grow

up with the full assent, and, indeed, the active assistance of the English government; and, what is of infinitely greater importance, with the warm and unanimous approbation of the English people. And who then shall ever more presume to cry down popular rights, or tell us that the people have nothing to do with the laws, but to obey them,-with the taxes, but to pay them,-and with the blunders of their rulers, but to suffer from them? What man will now dare to brand his political adversary with the name of a revolutionist,-or try to hunt those down, as enemies of order, who expose the follies and corruptions of an unprincipled and intriguing administration? These tricks have had their day,a day immeasurably disastrous in its consequences to England and to Europe. Their glaring impudence has been at last exposed; they have ceased to blindfold the multitude; and we can once more utter the words liberty and people, without starting at the echo of our own voices, or looking round the chamber for some spy or officer of the government. Thus much had been done for us by the lapse of time, and the universal and signal failure of all the policy which the English reign of terror gave a cloak to. But the Spanish revolution comes most opportunely to turn the tide quite into the opposite channel; to awaken in this country all those feelings of liberty and patriotism which many had supposed were extinguished since the French revolution; and to save our declining country, by the only remedy for its malady-a recurrence to those wholesome popular feelings, in which its greatness has been planted and nursed up.

We anticipate, then, a most salutary change in public opinion, from the example of Spain, should her efforts prove successful, and from the part which this country so wisely and generously takes in her affairs. The measures of our government will be more freely canvassed; the voice of the country will no longer be stifled, and, when it raises itself, it must be heard. Reforms in the administration of our affairs must be adopted, to prevent more violent changes; and some radical improvements in our constitution, will no longer be viewed with horror; because they will be found essential to the permanence of any reformation in the management of the national concerns.

If any one doubts this, let him reflect on the state of things in England, previous to the bad times of the French revolution, when almost every voice was given in favour of the new-born liberty of our neighbours, and they had not yet forfeited their claim to our suffrages by violence and anarchy. What man in England but viewed the course of high Tory principle as nearly finished, and the hour of genuine constitutional freedom as about to strike? The intriguers of the court, indeed, saw their


reign drawing towards a close; and yet they had no means of protracting its period, until the excesses of the French themselves furnished the materials of that alarm, which had well nigh extinguished for ever the liberties and prosperity of all Europe. This alarm, then, having spent itself, the Spanish revolution places the cause of freedom and reform on a much better footing than it had even at the beginning of the French revolution;-because the country, government and people, are committed with the Spanish patriots, which they never were with those of France; because the example of the one revolution, will prevent a repetition of its enormities in the further progress of the other; because, happen. what will, the trick of alarm can never succeed again to any thing like the same extent in this country; and because the good will of this nation towards the cause of Spain will not be crossed by any of those feelings of national rivalry which unavoidably operated against the popularity of the French revolution; while. the very existence of France, in its present state of despotism and power, offers additional inducements to keep alive our enthusi asm for the new order of things in Spain. Therefore, we must admit that there is now a much better prospect of reform in England, than that which the French revolution for a moment held out to us, and then seemed to hide for ever.

If these happy effects may be thus confidently anticipated from the final success of the Spaniards, it gives us no small degree of consolation to reflect, that much good has been secured to the cause of liberal principles, and sound constitutional feeling, by the important events which have already taken place; and that, however the prospect may be darkened over,-however fatally the gloomy view which we are forced to entertain may be realized,still enough has been performed by the Spanish people to raise the spirit of the middle and lower classes, both in this country and the rest of Europe.

The cause of the Spaniards is so obviously that of the people; the desertion of the court and nobles is so manifest; the connexion between the success of the patriots, and a radical change of the government, is so plainly necessary-that whoever has wished well to them, feels intimately persuaded, that he has been espousing the popular side of the greatest question of the present day; that he has been praying most fervently for the success of the people against their rulers; that he has, in plain terms, been, as far as in him lay, a party to revolutionary measures. not deny, that the just dread of France, and the very natural antipathy to her present government, have had a large share in stirring up the spirit of the British nation in favour of the Spanish revolution. The cause of the universally prevailing feeling is

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