position. They both unite in claiming the liberty of the press; and even in the present session, when the ministry have exhibited so strong a leaning to the emigrants, the committee appointed by the usual ministerial majority, composed of this party and the centre, to make a report upon a law proposed by the government for the continuance of the restraints on the journals, have concluded against it. Each party is so perfectly confident of the justice of its cause, and the ability of its champions, that both are quite certain of ultimate success, if they are permitted to carry on the war with freedom. They spurn at the idea that public discussions are attended with any danger to the state; and pretend, that it is only the conscious imbecility of the ministry which makes them fear to encounter the shock of unrestrained criticism. Whatever danger may exist, they are willing to risk, and with the generous indignation, felt by Ajax in the Iliad at the idea of fighting under a cloud, they are even ready to perish, if in dying they can leave a sting in the wound they inflict upon their adversary. Ζευ πάτερ, αλλα συ ουσαι υπ' γέρος υιας Αχαιων ; Εν δε φαει δ'ολεσον, ει νυ σοι ευαδεν ουτως. Besides these three principal divisions of the house, there existed, during the period of the ad ministration of M. de Cases, and of the prevalence of a more liberal policy in the cabinet, a subdivision of the left side, commonly called by their adversaries, the doctrinaires, or pedants, which at that time gave the tone to the majority, but which, by the change of circumstances and parties, has since ceased to exist. The individuals composing it were decidedly liberal, and of course removed even then by a considerable shade of difference from the merely ministerial party, and for the same reason obnoxious to the emigrants; but being not less remarkable for learning and moderation than for liberal principles, they were often at variance with the most determined and violent members of their own side. Their opponents sometimes found it convenient not to understand what they could not very readily confute, and affected to describe them as obscure and metaphysical reasoners; and in reality some of them occasionally entered more at large into abstract discussions than is quite suitable to the practical dispatch of business; although the ability with which they managed such enquiries always did them great honour. Of the small number of persons composing this coterie, M. de Serre, one of the ministry, has since enlisted under the royalist banner. MM. Camille Jordan and Royer Collard, then members of the council of state, were subsequently removed from this post, and the former is since dead. The latter is still the principal representative in the house of the same opi nions, but, from the change of circumstances, has but little influence. His speeches on important subjects are perhaps the most remarkable specimens of scientific political reasoning that have ever appeared in any country in this form. This style of speaking is rarely attempted either in the British parliament or in congress. The speeches of Burke and of Sir James Mackintosh give a better idea of it than any others in the English language. They are, however, less abstract, and considered as specimens of eloquence, are for that reason doubtless superior. M. Guizot, whom I have already mentioned, is the most remarkable writer attached to this party. He was also a member of the council of state, and was removed at the same time with the others on account of his youth he was not eligible to the house of deputies. With these remarks on the situation of public opinion, and the modes and varieties of its expression, I shall close this imperfect sketch of the state of France, which indeed has already exceeded the extent prescribed by the narrow limits of the present attempt. The substance of it may be recapitulated in a very few words. The political constitution of France is sound and vigorous in its essential parts beyond that of any other nation in Europe. The outward appearance exhibits morbid symptoms, at first view, of a serious and alarming character; but which, examined more nearly, can hardly be regarded as dangerous, and must soon vanish under the restoring influence of an active vital principle within. If we cross the Pyrenees, we arrive in a region placed for the present in a far less agreeable situation, but which holds out, nevertheless, the most encouraging prospects for the future. 107 CHAP. III. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. Ir may seem paradoxical to regard the revolutions in Spain and Portugal in favour of popular principles as natural results of the progress of industry, wealth, and civilization, considering that, in all these respects, the peninsula has been for two or three centuries apparently on the decline. It is however sufficiently obvious that these revolutions are in reality connected with the general effort for political improvement that agitates the whole Christian world, and are not isolated events, resulting from independent and separate causes. If therefore the apparent anomaly did not admit of a satisfactory explanation, it could only be, because the facts connected with the subject were imperfectly known. The following considerations will perhaps be thought to furnish a sufficiently plausible account of it. As valuable political institutions contribute more than any other cause to the improvement and prosperity of a country, so they derive, in their turn, their own stability and strength from the re-action of these effects upon themselves. A vicious con |