which the general affairs of Europe present themselves to my mind, I shall now consider a little more in detail, the situation of the principal powers; beginning with France, which has long been the central point of European politics.

29

CHAP. II.

FRANCE.

THE situation of France is, perhaps, more satisfactory, at present, than that of any other European power, whether we consider the advantages which it actually enjoys, or its favourable prospects for the future. If any thing could afford compensation for the crimes and horrors of which that nation has been the theatre for the last thirty years, it would be this fortunate and beneficial result. In the midst of these excesses, the principles of liberty which were brought into action at the commencement of the revolution, have been gradually and slowly working out their effects; and these are now manifested in a highly improved state of the public and private economy of this great people. Doubtless there are still some clouds hanging over the future. New convulsions of a certain extent and importance may, by possibility, occur; but under any circumstances, the substantial advantages now enjoyed in France seem to be secure. I shall class the remarks I have to offer upon this subject under the heads of the state of private property; the forms of administration; the cha

racter of public opinion; and the policy of the cabinet.

It may appear singular that the finances should not be reckoned one of the principal objects of consideration, since this is almost the only point of importance with some of the great European powers. But the French finances are, at present, in so flourishing and well settled a state, as to leave but little room for observation in à political point of view. The debt is small compared with the population and resources of the country, and in a rapid course of extinction. Taxes, to the full amount of the annual expenditure, are collected without difficulty, and, though high, are apparently not excessively burdensome; and the ominous cry of deficit is not heard within the walls of the French parliament: no other in the old world, or (I am sorry to add) the new, can make the same boast. This point alone, if there were no other, would give to France a very decided and important advantage, in respect of political situation, over the other European powers. Without dwelling upon this head, I proceed, therefore, to consider the state of private property, which has undergone great alterations and improvements during the late convulsions.

The laws which give security to private property and regulate the distribution of it, are, perhaps, the most important features in the political institutions of every country; although generally looked

upon as of less consequence than those which determine the forms of legislation and administration. Property is, in fact, the principal element of political power. Hence the laws which regulate the distribution of it, regulate at the same time the distribution of power; and consequently determine, in substance, the character of the government, whatever may be its outward forms. Property is also the means by which individuals procure the advantages which social institutions were intended to secure, as the comforts and enjoyments of life, education, virtuous dispositions, and general happiness. The laws which regulate the distribution of property, determine, therefore, in a great degree, the manner in which these blessings shall be distributed through the community. It may seem, at first view, paradoxical to assert that virtuous dispositions can be obtained through the medium of property; or, in a shorter phrase, can be bought for money. Pope, indeed, tells us explicitly, "that esteem and love, the natural results and attendants of virtue, were never to be sold ;" and the remark is true in the sense in which it was intended to be understood. It is equally true, however, that moral depravity is, generally speaking, the necessary attendant of extreme and abject wretchedness: and that the best method of securing the general prevalence of virtuous habits through all classes of the community, is to place within the reach of the greatest possible number of persons the means of

obtaining honestly a share in the comforts of life. This is done by regulating the distribution of property in the way best fitted to effect that object. Hence the great importance of the laws relating to this subject, which have hitherto been too little regarded by professed politicians, theoretical and practical.

Before the revolution, the land in France, as in most other parts of Europe, was held in large estates, which descended according to the principles of the feudal law, to the eldest son. The peasantry had no property in the soil. They were the subjects of their superiors, and in every respect in an abject and miserable state. It is well known, that, by some of the first measures of the national assembly, the feudal principles of succession were abolished, and provision made for the equal distribution of estates among all the children, male and female; the owner not having the liberty of disposing of his property even by will, except under great restrictions. These new regulations have been ever since and are still in regular operation, with a few exceptions in favour of the peers of France, and some other high dignitaries, who are allowed to establish entails to a certain extent. The operation of these laws upon private property was greatly accelerated by the confiscation and sale of the estates of the emigrants and clergy; and in the general result, the peasants have been converted almost universally from dependant and