and the drunkard, the distiller, the importer, the vender of the poison, and all directly or indirectly engaged in promoting the traffic, shall be viewed and treated by society as their character deserves. Never, until the magistracy of the land, sustained by a virtuous people, shall withhold their countenance and support from the traffic. Never, until the sons of Levi purify themselves; and the church of God "come out from among them and be separate, and touch not the unclean thing." Never, until the principle of total abstinence from all intoxicating drinks shall every where prevail. Never, until the name, the influence, the property, the prayers, and interests of all be solemnly pledged to the support of the temperance cause. When this is done, the glorious work of reform shall be achieved. This awful scourge of the human race shall cease. The destroying angel shall take his flight. Earth shall burst into the beauty and freshness of Eden. "Peace shall be within her walls, and prosperity within her palaces." The angel having the everlasting Gospel shall be seen flying without an hinderance, bearing the precious treasure to every creature. And it shall be published throughout the utmost bounds of earth, and echoed and reechoed through the wide vaults of heaven: "The kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our Lord and his Christ, and he shall reign for ever and ever." "Even so, come, Lord Jesus. Amen."

If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend.-John, 19: 12.

Miserable man! degraded people!-he that could hear, they that they could urge so base an argument. Because he hesitates to give the order for crucifying a citizen guilty of no crime, they cry out against him as false to Cæsar. "Thou art not Cæsar's friend," they cry in their wrath, and they mean by this, as much as to say, "We will destroy you in the Emperor's confidence, and have you removed from office." The pliant courtier and politician basely listens to their threat, and consents to gratify their malice!

Entering into the history of Christ's trial and crucifixion at this gate, or from this point of view, I propose to survey it as a scene of Jewish politics, and draw from it such admonitions as it will yield for our benefit.

The public mind is now so deeply absorbed in the politics of the country, that we can hardly get a hearing for the more spiritual truths of the Gospel. The people have no ears to hear aught besides the harangues of their great assemblies, and the reports of their expresses. What, then, shall we do since you turn away your ears so far from the great truths of God and eternity, but go after you, carrying these truths with us, and endeavor to surround you with them in the dusty strifes of your political arena.

Our country, at this moment, exhibits a new spectacle; one, too, in which we are called both to exult and tremble. When we see such immense masses of men moving and combining against each other, all with so high a spirit and yet without violence or bloodshed, the whole nation sleeping as securely each night as if guarded by a standing army of bayonets; then, when we consider that this tremendous array of numbers and masses is nothing but the constitutional working of a people to accomplish the high office of self-government, we have before us a spectacle in which every American may well exult. The fondest dreams of philosophy in the old world almost never gave out a vision of hope more splendid or sublime than the actual scene now exhibited by our country. What monarch of the old world would not turn pale at such a stir of the people as this? What established order would not be shaken by it, unless strengthened by arms? We are giving ourselves, too, in one view, a higher proof of permanence and of the security of our great principle of self-government than ever before since the foundations were laid. If we can stand the rocking of this sea and not have the joints of civil order loosened, it is high time to thank God for the peculiar glory and happiness he gives us, and promise, on our knees, never to despair of our country.

But there still is room, as I said, for trembling. It is impossible that such a profound commotion of the popular spirit as now heaves the bosom of the nation, should not, if continued, produce à great moral effect and strongly mark the public character. Anything that takes deep hold of a people and penetrates their whole mass with emotion, will be an object of concern to minds well versed in the laws of society; and especially if the agitating cause is one of long continuance. When are we to expect, then, that this political agitation will be over? As our country spreads out in breadth, and becomes every year more populous as the varied interests of society become more distinct and important; as the sweets of office are tasted by a greater and hungrier multitude, and the fact that every office is open to every man,has suggested hope to as many as will have the effrontery to forward their claims; can we ever look for a period of cessation such as we have had in former years? Or must we always be on the edge of strife much as we are now? Is it, or not, the philosophy of our institutions, that we are to exist in a continual press of political agitation? As some governments have made a warlike,some a commercial, some an agricultural people, some a people of arts and letters, are we not constituted as a political people? Brewing on from age to age in our great caldron of popular elections, are we not, like the old Athenians, to become a people whose chief passion,

and highest end, and strongest appetite, is politics? I confess it sometimes so appears to me. And if politics are thus to lead in the character of our people, and give the direction to our moral habits, I tremble, lest, in this way, we go down ere long into an abyss of irreligion and popular corruption, out of which we can never rise. We shall wear down, I fear, all the great principles and moral forces that have made us what we are, and then die out, as a lamp whose oil is spent. Our cabals and factions, our unprincipled appeals, our mutual attacks upon character, our reckless determination to treat religion and everything sacred in that way which will make it most augment the capital of our party, or diminish that of our antagonists-where, I am compelled to ask, will these combined causes carry us, if not downward into a prostration of all virtue? Of this one thing, at least, no thoughtful or reasonable man can doubt-our system of popular elections must have a fearful influence on the moral and religious destiny of our people. Politics cannot be a leading interest in the public mind, without making us such as our politics are. If artful, abounding in false views and false pretences-a people without truth. If too fierce and irresponsible to be restrained by laws and oaths of office-then a factious people, loose on the chances of perpetual revolution. If unjust to merit, jealous of virtue, and readily moved by a hatred of sacred institutions-a people without God or religion.

I do not say or believe that we are destined thus to sink as a nation. I only express a fear-a reasonable fear; which I do not as despairing of the future, but as raising a guard against the very dangers in view. It is one thing to fear, another to despair. Fear is ever twin to hope, and the two sisters go hand in hand all their lives long. Hope whispers courage to her more timid sister, and she, in turn, whispers caution to hope; so that, between them both, we may neither faint nor miscarry. Repelling despair, therefore, at all points, let us also be willing to fear, and fearing, to apply those cautions and erect those safe-guards which are proper to our

case.

It is with a view to lend what force I can in this direction, that I am now to speak. I claim no right to meddle, in this place, with any political question, whether in regard to men or measures; unless, perhaps, measures may be attempted which are against the fundamental principles of morality and virtue. That I have no preference of feeling between the two great parties which now divide the nation, I certainly do not pretend. I have as good right to such preference as any other citizen, and shall exercise it as freely. But, as a minister of religion, it is my duty, and I claim also the ability,

to speak of both or either of these great parties as the principles of truth and religion require. I am here no more a citizen, but an official advocate or teacher of the laws of God. And, in this character, it is my dnty to search out what is morally corrupt or dangerous, and expose it wherever it may be found; to assert the laws of God, and do what I can to establish their sober influence over men-not every where, save here in the domain of politics, but in every sphere and department of action into which they go. If, in the discharge of such a duty, what I ought to say infringes on one or both your parties, it shall give me no concern. It is not I that say it, but the truth, and truth is impassable to whatsoever blame you may cast upon her.

But I was to review the closing scenes of our Saviour's history. The political character of this scene may have escaped your notice, and you may ask me, perhaps, to specify what there is in this scene of a political nature?

Observe, then, that our Lord came professedly to establish a kingdom, and, surveying the history from this point, you will have a good clue to all that followed. His enemies understood by the kingdom spoken of, a temporal kingdom, and even his very disciples were slow to receive a better conception of his meaning. Great multitudes 'went after him, and he was exceedingly popular, for a time, with the lower clases of society, who seem to have taken up the indefinite hope of some splendid issue to be reached under his leadership. Many thought that he would break the Roman yoke and re-establish the Jewish independence. Others appeared to expect that he would change ends with society, not only releasing them from their burdens, but exalting them to eminence and official splendor in the state. And some, for aught I know, were expecting that the fields would yield their plenty without labor, and the sands of the rivers change to floods of gold ready coined. The most indefinite hopes are ever those which most captivate the multitude. The excitement ran so high, and such an immense concourse of people went after the Saviour, that the higher class of citizens, and those most connected with official rank, began to fear a revolution. The scribes, and priests, and publicans, or revenue collectors, the whole swarm of state and church officials were disturbed. They watched the Saviour, they caught up rumors concerning him. They even went out into Galilee to see what he was doing there, and whether some great mischief were not brewing in that quarter. And the Saviour, on more than one occasion, denounced against them, when present. the severest woes, on account of the oppres sive burdens they laid upon the people. This the more