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and the country south towards Tampico for some time. Saltillo now remains the most important town still occupied by the Federals to the east of Tc.eon, and if Saltillo is captured the way would seem to be clear for Villa's long-threatened advance southward towards Mexico City. A characteristic and flamboyant suggestion from General Villa is that the United States should put him into possession of Vera Cruz, whereupon, he boasts, he could soon carry the revolution to success and " eliminate Huerta" in summary fashion.

JAPAN AND MEXICO

Those who are familiar with the easy grooves down which anti-Japanese news slips in this country have been predicting that, sooner or later, it would be announced that the Japanese were actively co-operating with Mexico; for to a certain type of journalistic mind the Japanese is always on the ground when any kind of mischief is afoot. When Huerta's representative in Tokyo was received as a matter of diplomatic routine by the Emperor, a hard and fast alliance between Japan and Mexico was immediately foreseen.

An Englishman said several centuries ago, at a time when a great many people were attacking the Pope as a matter of habit, that as a temporal ruler the Pope was entitled to the courtesy of good language. The Japanese Government, made up, as it is, of trained men with wide knowledge of affairs in that country and out of it, ought at least to be credited with common sense.

The Japanese Prime Minister, Count Okuma, has promptly declared that Japan will maintain a scrupulously neutral position between the United States and Mexico, a statement which ought to set at rest unfounded newspaper reports of Japanese sympathy and activity in Mexico.

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troops on which we are supposed to depend is not much over 160,000 men. If both the regular and militia organizations, however, should be brought to the maximum strength allowed by law, the total would be, it is stated, about 350,000 men.

But we ought to be capable of mobilizing at once an effective force of at least half a million men if we are to meet any first-class power. And this is only for the first line. Such a force should be augmented by a second line of, say, 300,000 men.

If we consider only the first line, it will be seen that about 150,000 volunteers would be required, and to replace their losses there should be an additional requirement of about 90,000 men.

There are, indeed, in the United States only about 90,000 men with previous military training. No machinery exists, however, by which even these men can be called directly to the colors.

Putting aside for the moment the necessity of largely increasing our regular establishment, what is the first necessary step? To make the militia of the several States available for foreign service. Thus Mr. Hay, Chairman of the House Committee on Military Affairs, was right in introducing the Volunteer Army Bill, advocated by the General Staff, on the first day of the present session of Congress, ordering it reported on the second day of the session, and calling it up for consideration on the third day. The bill, we are glad to say, was almost immediately passed and sent to the Senate. This was on December 3, but not until February 20 did the Senate Committee favorably report it with amendments. And then the Senate proceeded to prune it in a leisurely manner! At last, confronted with the menace of actual war, the Senate passed the measure.

THE VOLUNTEER ARMY BILL

The country will breathe more freely now that Congress has passed this Volunteer Army Bill, replacing the defective and inadequate law of 1898, which was bound to cause both confusion and delay in raising volunteer forces.

This measure provides that, when volunteer forces are to be raised, the President shall issue a proclamation stating the number of men desired, and shall prescribe the necessary rules for examining, organizing, and receiving into the service the men called for. Such volunteer forces are to be raised only

during the existence of war or when war is imminent, and only after Congress shall have authorized the President to raise such forces. The bill provides that as many officers and men as are needed may be called to the colors from the militia of the States pro rata, and that, the Senate consenting, the President is to appoint the officers. Thus there will be freedom from incompetence and political interference of State authorities in the appointment of the officers.

Moreover, all officers and enlisted men of the volunteers shall be on exactly the same footing as to pay, allowances, and pensions as officers and enlisted men of corresponding grades in the regular army.

The usefulness of the militia is greatly enhanced because it will now be possible to use the militia in service beyond the borders of our own country. This law will, in addition, make it possible to employ our small regular army to the best advantage—upon the immediate outbreak of hostilities.

THE REVOLUTION IN ECUADOR

The troops of the Government of Ecuador, it is reported, have been defeated at Camarones, a town on the Camarones River, south of Esmeraldas-that northern province of Ecuador in which the rebels have been warring against President Plaza. About five hundred men were killed or wounded, the despatch adds, and about two hundred taken prisoners by the rebels. This report should be received with reserve, as the telegram is dated from Lima, Peru, where the authorities are suspected of siding with the rebels against the Government, and where some of the Ecuadorean rebels have congregated.

The rebellion continues the struggles that followed President Plaza's first administration, from 1900 to 1904. He was succeeded by Señor Garcia, who was ejected from office by the soldiers under General Alfaro, who became practically Dictator. In his turn, Alfaro was ejected and killed by a mob of citizens, and was succeeded by Señor Estrada. Then the turn of the troops came again; they proclaimed General Montero, one of their own number, President. He ruled a month, and then the citizens had their turn again. mob of them shot him, beheaded him, burned his body, and imprisoned the leaders who had placed him in power, later lynching them. Then, of course, the soldiers had their turn again; but their leader, General

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Andrade, was killed in his attempt to gain control of the Republic. Some of the soldiers fled to the south, but many fled to the north and formed the basis for the present revolt. It has lasted many months. Its leader is General Concha. Unless soon checked, Guayaquil, the chief port of Ecuador, may be in danger. A turning over of that city to the rebels would cause little surprise, owing to the lack of sympathy between it and Quito, the capital, situated high in the Andes, where the physical as well as the political climate is healthier.

At a time of rebellion in any Central or South American country the post of American Minister may suddenly require quick action based on ripe experience. Mr. Montgomery Schuyler, Jr., of New York, the Minister under President Taft, knew the language and people of Ecuador, and had had eleven years' experience in diplomacy. He is succeeded by Mr. Hartman, a Bryan Democrat, who, when appointed, did not know the language or people of South America, and had no experience in diplomacy.

ECUADOR AND THE

A B C STATES

Ecuador has an area slightly larger than that of Nevada, and a population of less than two millions. Its chief staple product is cocoa. Its civilization is not so low as that of Haiti or Venezuela, but seems somewhat lower than that of Costa Rica among the Central American states, and of Bolivia among the South American states.

We are not surprised by the resentment shown by the citizens of the three sturdiest South American republics-the so-called A B C countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chileat being classed as "Latin-American" alongside such a specimen as Ecuador. At first, indeed, it would seem as if Ecuador had almost an equal chance with the southern

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the Aztecs and the Incas. One would think that on that semi-civilization a real civilization would have been built; instead, only a tyrannical republicanism was the result, from which South America is now emerging.

The A B C countries, it is true, have emerged, and are now standing on their own feet. They are also uniting in questions of foreign policy. An impressive proof of this is seen in their action of last week in offering to mediate between the United States Government and the Huerta faction in Mexico. This is a really historic event. It is the first time that these countries have asserted themselves as one force in an armed conflict outside of South America.

THE FRENCH

ELECTIONS

The elections in France last week were important, first, because of the ascendency obtained by the Radicals; second, because among the successful candidates for re-election were such well-known men as M. Caillaux, former Minister of Finance, whose name has been particularly prominent during recent weeks because of his wife's murder of M. Calmette, editor of the Paris Figaro ;" two ex-Premiers, namely, M. Briand and M. Barthou; M. Millerand, a member of several French Cabinets; and, finally, the famous Abbé Lemire, who had fallen under the disapproval of the Vatican because he accepted an election to the Vice-Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies.

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Owing to the number of candidatesover twenty-nine hundred for only about six hundred seats-second ballots will be necessary in many districts, in order that the successful candidates shall satisfy the requirements. To be elected, a candidate must secure half the number of votes cast, plus one-that is, supposing that two-thirds of the number of registered voters take part in the election. In case this majority is not obtained, a second vote must be taken, when a bare majority is sufficient to elect.

Universal suffrage obtains in France, and the eligibility for the Chamber of Deputies is open to all citizens over twenty-five years of age; indeed, this law is more liberal to the candidates than is the law that applies to the electors, for it imposes no obligation of residence.

Every arrondissement, or district, in France of over a hundred thousand inhabitants is entitled to two Deputies, and every addi

tional hundred thousand or fraction of it gives the right to an additional representative. Thus the new Chamber will number a few more Deputies than did the preceding Legislature, owing to the increase in population. The French are very proud that their population is increasing rather than decreasing.

Election day is always on a Sunday in France, and the polling places are open from eight o'clock in the morning until six at night. The manner of voting is practically the same as in this country.

BRITISH federalisM

Sir Edward Grey recently suggested in the British House of Commons that the Ulster problem might be solved by the introduction of a Federal system. Last week another Cabinet Minister, Mr. Churchill, mentioned the matter. He inquired, referring to Sir Edward Carson, the Ulster leader: "Why cannot he say boldly, 'Give me the amendments to the Home Rule Bill I ask for to safeguard the dignity and interests of Protestant Ulster, and in return I will use my influence and good will to make Ireland an integral unit in a Federal system?" "

Though, on the surface, Mr. Churchill's words bear the interpretation that he was speaking for himself, he could, in the opinion of the Unionists and of many Liberals, hardly have made an offer so definite in character without having consulted his colleagues. The general opinion is that the offer quite changes the situation and improves the prospect of an ultimate agreement. Some Liberals, however, are displeased, contending that the offer must be interpreted only as a sign of Government weakness. Most remarkable of all, however, is a statement from the man who might be supposed to be the most displeased, Mr. Redmond, the Irish leader. He did not understand, he said, as reported, that there was anything new in Mr. Churchill's offer, but if anything came of it he was ready to exert himself to placate Ulster and to reach an honorable settlement.

This is certainly more cheering than Mr. Redmond's previous insistence that there should be "no watering down" in the terms of the Home Rule Bill. To that statement Sir Edward Carson aptly replied that "the moment the present bill is placed upon the statute-books federalism becomes impossible." For the Government's utmost concession (namely, that each Ulster county may

decide as to whether it shall remain outside the operation of the Home Rule Bill for six years) does not, according to the Ulster Covenanters, meet the difficulty. They want the unconditional exclusion of Ulster from the operation of the bill. As a racial, religious, economic, and social unit, in contrast with the rest of Ireland, Ulster, they say, should have its own government and not one adapted to the rest of Ireland, just as Wales or Lancashire ought to have each its own individual government, and not one adapted to Scotland. Sir Edward Carson therefore asks the Government to abandon its time limit and to "leave to Parliament to determine what is to happen at the end of six years."

The Government has already admitted the principle of temporary exclusion. Will it now go a step further and give to Parliament the power to deal with the matter without restrictions at the end of six years? That is the concrete, practical question now confronting the Government.

THE SHAKESPEARE

CELEBRATION

The chief significance of the celebration of the three hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the birth of Shakespeare on April 23 was the world-wide observance of the day among English-speaking peoples. Beginning at Stratford, the celebration radiated to the ends of the earth. In New York the day was very beautiful and lent itself to the out-of-door festivities in Central Park, where a wreath was placed on Mr. Ward's harmonious statue of the poet, addresses were made by the Mayor and the Park Commissioner, and a poem by Mr. Percy MacKaye, which The Outlook takes pleasure in presenting to its readers, was read. The boys of one of the public schools gave Elizabethan folk dances to the music of their own orchestra, several other public schools sang Shakespeare songs, and scenes from various plays were presented. Mayor Mitchel told his audience that celebrations of the kind in which they were taking part were held in honor of those who shaped and enriched a people's life. "The art of Shakespeare," he said, "is not only the art of expression and of form, but that of understanding. While we cannot be Shakespeares, we can acquire a sympathetic understanding of our fellow-men, and the chief problem of the government of a city is to understand the point of view of the average man;" and he urged his hearers to read

Shakespeare as a help towards a better understanding of human nature—an excellent suggestion, which it is hoped the public officials will take to heart no less than private citizens.

Various celebrations were held in different schools, taking the form largely of presentations of plays or parts of plays. One of the most impressive commemorations in New York was that held in the Cathedral of St. John the Divine under the auspices of the Actors' Church Alliance of America. The second lesson of the service was read by Mr. Cyril Maude, and an address on Shakespeare's Religion" was delivered by the Rev. Percy S. Grant, of the Church of the Ascension, who declared that the poet's religion was one of love and belief in its powers to transform humanity.

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A rather raw robustness is supposed by some to be a Western characteristic. But one will be disappointed if he looks for it in the exhibition of pictures by Western painters at the National Arts Club in New York City. The exhibition is certainly conservative in this respect. The raw and the crude have been left to Cubists and Futurists; apparently they are all from the East! The exhibition emphasizes the old-fashioned virtues of composition, draughtsmanship, color. It is of high quality; it has a restful charm.

And yet it also gives one the idea that each painter represented there has had something to say and has purposed saying it in his own way. Real robustness seems most manifest in Mr. Meakin's Rocky Mountain views, and a genuine individualism and independence in Mr. Peyraud's Chicago scenes with their fine sensitiveness to atmosphere. A frank, free touch also characterizes such canvases as Mr. Bartlett and Mr. Grover painted in France and Italy with an evident instinct for decorative values. Mr. Bundy's scenes make a peculiarly direct appeal. An article on them will shortly appear in The Outlook.

They represent sincere and straightforward work.

So much for the landscapes. In portraiture the Western painters, especially judged by Mr. Betts's pictures, are facile and fluent, if not always wholly satisfactory in insight.

In figure pieces Lawton Parker, of Nebraska, stands forth prominently. His work attracts special attention at this time because he has recently actually obtained a first medal at the so-called "Old Salon" in Paris. Hitherto it has been an unwritten law that the first medal was not to go out of France. Indeed, the second medal has been awarded to an American only ten times. Thus the French have conferred a unique honor upon an American, and a Western American at that. The quality in his work which has called forth particular praise from critics is its luminousness; it is emphatically what the French call plein-air, full of the atmosphere of summer months spent near the little village of Giverny, of its opalescence and shimmering greens, against which the figures stand.

The exhibition has attracted the attention of many to the work of artists who have not yet, we are sorry to say, received sufficient recognition in their own country. The fact that all of these men come out of the West only adds to our pride in the comprehensiveness and progress of American art.

INTRODUCING LAW TO LIFE

Machinery, electricity, railways and steamboats, and other such things have done what the early Apostles were charged with doing— they have turned the world upside down. But the law has gone on just as if the world were right side up. That is somewhat of an exaggeration, for there have been a great many lawyers and judges and legislators who. have been working hard to help the law keep its balance. On the whole, however, the law is on one side of the world and almost all the people on the other; or, to change the metaphor, while the people are traveling in railway cars, the law is traveling in stage-coaches.

The Harvard Law School-whose preeminence is unquestioned—is a leader in rendering the law modern. One of the signs of its leadership is the recent appointment of Felix Frankfurter as Professor of Law, charged with the duty of dealing with this relationship between law and modern social and industrial conditions.

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L. Stimson, formerly Secretary of War, and before that United States District Attorney in New York, has described the duties that will fall to Mr. Frankfurter. He points out that because of these new conditions of life, created by modern industry, there is need for scientific legislation and scientific administration of the law. "Our statute-books," says Mr. Stimson, "are filled year after year with crude social and industrial experiments, based upon no careful analysis or tabulated experience, and our civil service has only just begun to grope after intelligent standards." He also points out that for the making of laws adequate to deal with these conditions and for the administration of these laws in Government places men should be trained by our law schools. The appointment of Felix Frankfurter means that the Harvard Law School is entering this field.

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Felix Frankfurter came to this country in 1894. He was then an Austrian boy twelve years old. Since that time he has been the chief legal adviser of the Colonial Administration of the United States," and has "argued before the Supreme Court the most important litigations therein involved." We are using Mr. Stimson's own words. What native American has more amply proved his Americanism? More than that, Mr. Frankfurter has had a most important part in the successful trials of such cases as those against Morse, and Heinze, and the officers of the Sugar Trust in the sugarweighing frauds. In the twenty years since he began to be an American Mr. Frankfurter has made himself a master of English, a leader in the law, and, it is not too much to say, a profound student of those social problems that are distinctive of this day and country. He is a graduate of the College of the City of New York, has been a clerk in the Tenement-House Department of New York City, and has graduated from the Harvard. Law School with the highest honors of his class. We print elsewhere in this issue Mr. Frankfurter's portrait.

BETTER INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS EXHIBIT

Co-operation was the theme of the recent Exhibit of Better Industrial Relations, given at the Ethical Culture Building, 2 West Sixtyfourth Street, New York City, by the Business Men's Group of the Society for Ethical Culture.

Recognition of the human factor in indus

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