indignation at the minister who has thought fit to strip us stark naked, and expose the true state of our poxed and pestilential habit to the world! Think, or say, what you will in Ireland, I shall ever think it a crime hardly to be expiated by his blood. He might, and ought, by a longer continuance, or by an earlier meeting of this parliament, to have given us the credit of some wisdom, in foreseeing and anticipating an approaching force. So far from it, Lord Gower, coming out of his own cabinet, declares, that one principal cause of his resignation was, his not being able to prevail on the present minister to give any sort of application to this business. Even on the late meeting of parliament, nothing determinate could be drawn from him, or from any of his associates, until you had actually passed the short money bill; which measure they flattered themselves, and assured others, you would never come up to. Disappointed in their expectation at seeing the siege raised, they surrendered at discretion. Judge, my dear sir, of our surprise, at finding your censure directed against those whose only crime was, in accusing the ministers of not having prevented your demands by our graces; of not having given you the natural advantages of your country, in the most ample, the most early, and the most liberal manner; and for not having given away authority in such a manner as to ensure friendship. That you should make the panegyric of the ministers is what I expected; because in praising their bounty, you paid a just compliment to your own force. But that you should rail at us, either individually, or collectively, is what I can scarcely think a natural proceeding. I can easily conceive that gentlemen might grow frightened at what they had done;-that they might imagine they had undertaken a business above their direction; that having obtained a state of independence for their country, they meant to take the diserted helm into their own hands, and supply by their very real abilities the total inefficacy of the nominal government. All these might be real, and might be very justifiable motives for their reconciling themselves cordially to the present court system. But I do not so well discover the reasons that could induce them, at the first feeble dawning of life in this country, to do all in their power to cast a cloud over it; and to prevent the least hope of our affecting the neccessary reformations, which are aimed at in our constitution, and in our national œconomy. But, it seems, I was silent at the passing the resolutions. Why-what had I to say? If I had thought them too much, I should have been accused of an endeavour to inflame England. If I should represent them as too little, I should have been charged with a design of fomenting the discontents of Ireland into actual rebellion. The treasury bench represented that the affair was a matter of state; they represented it truly. I therefore only asked, whether they knew these propositions to be such as would satisfy Ireland; for, if they were so, they would satisfy me. This did not indicate, that I thought them too ample. In this our silence (however dishonourable to parliament) there was one advantage; that the whole passed, as far as it is gone, with complete unanimity; and so quickly, that there was no time left to excite any opposition to it out of doors. In the West India business, reasoning on what had lately passed in the parliament of Ireland, and on the mode in which it was opened here, I thought I saw much matter of perplexity. But I have now better reason than ever to be pleased with my silence. If I had spoken; one of the most honest and able men* in the Irish parliament, would probably have thought my observation an endeavour to sow dissension, which he was resolved to prevent; and one of the most ingenious and one of the most amiable ment that ever graced yours or any house of parliament, might have looked on it as chimera. In the silence I observed, I was strongly countenanced (to say no more of it) by every gentleman of Ireland, that I had the honour of conversing with in London. The only word for that reason, which I spoke, was to restrain a worthy county member, who had received some communication from a great trading place in the county he represents, which, if it had been opened to the house, would have led to a perplexing discussion of one of the most troublesome matters that could arise in this business. I got up to put a stop to it; and I believe, if you knew what the topic was, you would commend my discretion. That it should be a matter of public discretion in me, to be silent on the affairs of Ireland, is what, on all accounts, bitterly lament. I stated to the house what I felt; and I felt as strongly as human sensibility can feel, the extinction of my parliamentary capacity, where I wished to use it most. When I came into this parliament, just fourteen years ago— into this parliament, then, in vulgar opinion at least, the presiding council of the greatest empire existing, (and perhaps, all things considered, that ever did exist,) obscure, and a stran * Mr. Grattan. Mr. Hussey Burgh. Mr. Stanley, member for Lancashire. ger as I was, I considered myself as raised to the highest dignity to which a creature of our species could aspire. In that opinion, one of the chief pleasures in my situation, what was first and uppermost in my thoughts, was the hope, without injury to this country, to be somewhat useful to the place of my birth and education, which, in many respects internal and external, I thought ill and impolitically governed. But when I found that the house, surrendering itself to the guidance of an authority not grown out of an experienced wisdom and integrity, but out of the accidents of court favour, had become the sport of the passions of men at one rash and pusillanimous;-that it had even got into the habit of refusing every thing to reason, and surrendering every thing to force, all my power of obliging either my country or individuals was gone; all the lustre of my imaginary rank was tarnished; and I felt degraded even by my elevation. I said this, or something to this effect. If it gives offence to Ireland, I am sorry for it; it was the reason I gave for my silence ; and it was, as far as it went, the true one. With you, this silence of mine and of others was represented as factious, and as a discountenance to the measure of your relief. Do you think us children? If it had been our wish to embroil matters, and, for the sake of distressing ministry, to commit the two kingdoms in a dispute, we had nothing to do but (without at all condemning the propositions) to have gone into the commercial detail of the objects of them. It could not have been refused to us: and you, who know the nature of business so well, must know, that this would have caused such delays, and given rise during that delay, to such discussions, as all the wisdom of your favourite minister could never have settled. But indeed you mistake your men. We tremble at the idea of a disunion of these two nations. The only thing in which we differ with you, is this-that we do not think your attaching yourselves to the court, and quarrelling with the independent part of this people, is the way to promote the union of two free countries, or of holding them together, by the most natural and salutary ties. You will be frightened when you see this long letter. I smile when I consider the length of it, myself. I never, that I remember, wrote any of the same extent. But it shows me, that the reproaches of the country that I once belonged to, and in which I still have a dearness of instinct more than I can justify to reason, make a greater impression on me than I had imagined. But parting words are admitted to be a little tedious, because they are not likely to be renewed. If it will not be making yourself as troublesome to others as I am to you, I shall be obliged to you, if you will show this, at their greater leisure, to the speaker, to your excellent kinsman, to Mr. Grattan, Mr. Yelverton, and Mr. Daly ;-all these I have the honour of being personally known to, except Mr. Yelverton, to whom I am only known by my obligations to him. If you live in any habits with my old friend the provost, I shall be glad that he too sees this my humble apology. Adieu! once more accept my best thanks for the interest you take in me. Believe, that it is received by an heart not yet so old, as to have lost its susceptibility. All here give you the best old-fashioned wishes of the season, and believe me, with the greatest truth and regard, My dear Sir, Your most faithful and obliged humble servant, Beaconsfield, EDMUND BURKE. New Year's day, 1780. I am frightened at the trouble I give you and our friends; but I recollect, that you are mostly lawyers, and habituated to read long tiresome papers-and, where your friendship is concerned, without a fee; I am sure, too, that you will not act the lawyer in scrutinizing too minutely every expression which my haste may make me use. I forgot to mention my friend O'Hara and others, but you will communicate it as you please. DEAR SIR, A LETTER TO JOHN MERLOTT, ESQ. on the demand of 40,000 Irish bayonets, of I AM very unhappy to find, that my conduct having made a speech of two hours long to in the business of Ireland, on a former occa- prove that my former conduct was founded upon sion, had made many to be cold and indifferent, no one right principle, either of policy, justice, who would otherwise have been warm in my or commerce. I never heard a more elaborate, favour. I really thought, that events would more able, more convincing, and more shamehave produced a quite contrary effect; and ful speech. The debator obtained credit; but would have proved to all the inhabitants of the statesman was disgraced for ever. Amends Bristol, that it was no desire of opposing were made for having refused small, but myself to their wishes, but a certain knowledge timely concessions, by an unlimited and unof the necessity of their affairs, and a tender timely surrender, not only of every one of the regard to their honour and interest, which in- objects of former restraints, but virtually of duced me to take the part which I then took. the whole legislative power itself which had They placed me in a situation, which might made them. For it is not necessary to inform enable me to discern what was fit to be done on you that the unfortunate parliament of this a consideration of the relative circumstances kingdom did not dare to qualify the very of this country and all its neighbours. This liberty she gave of trading with her own planwas what you could not so well do yourselves; tations, by applying, of her own authority, any but you had a right to expect that I should one of the commercial regulations to the new avail myself of the advantage which I derived traffic of Ireland, which bind us here under from your favour. Under the impression of the several acts of navigation. We were this duty and this trust, I had endeavoured to obliged to refer them to the parliament of Irerender, by preventive graces and concessions, land, as conditions; just in the same manner, every act of power at the same time an act of as if we were bestowing a privilege of the same lenity; the result of English bounty, and not sort on France and Spain, or any other indeof English timidity and distress. I really flat-pendent power, and, indeed, with more studied tered myself, that the events, which have proved beyond dispute the prudence of such a maxim, would have obtained pardon for me, if not approbation. But if I have not been so fortunate, I do most sincerely regret my great loss; with this comfort, however, that, if I have disobliged my constituents, it was not in pursuit of any sinister interest or any party passion of my own, but in endeavouring to save them from disgrace, along with the whole community to which they and I belong. I shall be concerned for this, and very much so; but I should be more concerned, if, in gratifying a present humour of theirs, I had rendered myself unworthy of their former or their future choice. I confess that I could not bear to face my constituents at the next general election, if I had been a rival to Lord North in the glory of having refused some small, insignificant concessions, in favour of Ireland, to the arguments and supplications of English members of parliament; and in the very next session, An eminent merchant in the city of Bristol, of which Mr. Burke was one of the representatives in parliament. It relates to the same subject as the preceding letter. caution than we should have used, not to shock the principle of their independence. How the minister reconciled the refusal to reason, and the surrender to arms, raised in defiance of the prerogatives of the crown to his master, I know not; it has probably been settled, in some way or other, between themselves. But however the king and his ministers may settle the ques tion of his dignity and his rights, I thought it became me, by vigilance and foresight, to take care of yours; I thought I ought rather to lighten the ship in time than to expose it to a total wreck. The conduct pursued seemed to me without weight or judgment, and more fit for a member for Banbury than a member for Bristol. I stood therefore silent with grief and vexation on that day of the signal shame and humiliation of this degraded king and country. But it seems the pride of Ireland, in the day of her power, was equal to ours, when we dreamt we were powerful too. I have been abused there even for my silence, which was construed into a desire of exciting discontent in England. But, thank God, my letter to Bristol was in print; my sentiments on the policy of the measure were known and deter mined, and such as no man could think me absurd enough to contradict. When I am no longer a free agent, I am obliged in the crowd to yield to necessity; it is surely enough that I silently submit to power; it is enough that I do not foolishly affront the conquerour; it is too hard to force me to sing his praises whilst I am led in triumph before him; or to make the panegyric of our own minister, who would put me, neither in a condition to surrender with honour, or to fight with the smallest hope of victory. I was, I confess, sullen, and silent on that day; and shall continue so, until I see some disposition to inquire into this and other causes of the national disgrace. If I suffer in my reputation for it in Ireland, I am sorry; but it neither does nor can affect me so nearly as my suffering in Bristol, for having wished to unite the interests of the two nations in a manner that would secure the supremacy of this. Will you have the goodness to excuse the length of this letter. My earnest desire of explaining myself in every point which may affect the mind of any worthy gentleman in Bristol is the cause of it. To yourself, and to your liberal and manly notions, I know it is not so necessary. Believe me, My dear sir, your most faithful and obedient humble servant, EDMUND BURKE, Beaconsfield, To John Merlott, Esq. Bristol. LETTERS, WITH REFLECTIONS ON THE EXECUTIONS OF THE RIOTERS IN 1780.* TO THE LORD CHANCELLOR. MY LORD, I HOIE I am not too late with the inclosed slight observations. If the execution already ordered cannot be postponed, might I venture to recommend that it should extend to one only; and then the plan suggested in the inclosed paper may, your lordship thinks well of it, take place, with such improvements as your better judgment may dictate. As to fewness of the executions, and the good effects of that policy, I cannot for my own part entertain the slightest doubt. If you have no objection, and think it may not occupy more of his magesty's time than such a thing is worth, I should not be sorry that the inclosed was put into the king's hands. I have the honour to be, my lord, Your lordship's most obedient humble servant, EDMUND BURKE. Charles-street, July 10, 1780. It appears by the following extract from a letter written by the earl of Mansfield to Mr. Burke, dated the 17th July, 1780, that these REFLECTIONS had also been communicated to him-"I have received the honour of your letter and very judicious thoughts. Having been so greatly injured myself, I have thought it more decent not to attend the reports, and consequently have not been present at any deliberation upon the subject." TO THE EARL BATHURST, LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL. MY LORD, I came to town but yesterday, and therefore did not learn more early the probable extent of the executions, in consequence of the late disturbances. I take the liberty of laying before you, with the sincerest deference to your judgment, what appeared to me, very early, as reasonable in this business. Further thoughts have since occurred to me. I confess my mind is under no small degree of solicitude and anxiety on the subject; I am fully persuaded, that a proper use of mercy would not only recommend the wisdom and steadiness of government, but, if properly used, might be made a means of drawing out the principal movers in this wicked business, who have hitherto eluded your scrutiny. I beg pardon for this intrusion, and have the honour to be, with great regard and esteem, TO SIR GREY COOPER, BART.* DEAR SIR, ACCORDING to your desire, I send you a copy of the few reflections on the subject of the present executions, which occurred to me in the earliest period of the late disturbances, and which all my experience and observation since have most strongly confirmed. The executions, taking those which have been made, which are now ordered, and which may be the natural consequence of the convictions in Surrey, will be undoubtedly too many to answer any good purpose. Great slaughter attended the suppression of the tumults; and this ought to be taken in discount from the execution of the law. For God's sake entreat of Lord North to take a view of the sum total of the deaths before any are ordered for execution; for by not doing something of this kind, people are decoyed in detail into severities they never would have dreamed of, if they had the whole in their view at once. The scene in Surrey would have affected the hardest heart that ever was in an human breast. Justice and mercy have not such opposite interests as people are apt to imagine. I saw Lord Loughborough last night. He seemed strongly impressed with the sense of what necessity obliged him to go through, and * One of the secretaries of the treasury. I believe will enter into our ideas on the subject. On this matter you see that no time is to be lost. Before a final determination, the first thing I would recommend is, that if the very next execution cannot be delayed (by the way I do not see why it may not) it may be of but a single person; and that afterwards you should not exceed two or three: for it is enough for one riot, where the very act of parliament, on which you proceed, is rather a little hard in its sanctions and its construction: not that I mean to complain of the latter, as either new or strained; but it was rigid from the first. Tuesday, I am, dear sir, 18th July, 1780. Your most obedient Humble servant, EDMUND BURKE. I really feel uneasy on this business, and should consider it as a sort of personal favour, if you do something to limit the extent and severity of the law on this point. Present my best compliments to Lord North, and if he thinks that I have had wishes to be serviceable to government on the late occasion, I shall on my part think myself abundantly rewarded, if a few lives more than first intended, should be saved; I should sincerely set it down as a personal obligation, though the thing stands upon general and strong reason of its own. |