course without any opportunity to search the merchantmen. There has been a consequent appalling slaughter of non-combatants. So, it is argued, merchantmen should stop arming themselves in order that they may be made weaker than submarines and not subject submarine commanders to the temptation to which they have heretofore yielded.

Until the text of this communication is made public we can hardly credit the report that such a communication has been sent. This would be merely yielding to German "frightfulness." It would be changing the laws of warfare for the benefit of one of the belligerents. It would be accepting the argument that military necessity knows no law.

If there is any occasion for changing the rules of warfare, they ought to be changed in the other direction. If the submarine cannot carry on its warfare without resorting to the practices of the pirate, it ought to be treated as a pirate, and the merchantman ought to be allowed the privilege, not merely of defending itself, but of attacking the submarine, as it has the privilege of attacking a pirate, without losing its peaceful status. If we are going to change the rules of warfare while the war is going on, let us change them in the interest of humanity and not in the interest of the pirate and the brute.

As the greatest of neutral nations, the United States has done nothing to protect peaceful merchantmen against piratical attacks. To adopt any such policy as is outlined in this report would be equivalent to saying to those peaceful merchantmen: "America has not protected you, and now America declines to allow you to protect yourselves."

A REMARKABLE APPEAL
FROM BELGIUM

There was published last week in the New York "Evening Post," for the first time in. this country, an extraordinary appeal from a group of Belgian Roman Catholic bishops to their colleagues in Germany and Austria. It is in the form of a letter dated November 24, 1915. The letter is signed by Cardinal Mercier, Archbishop of Malines, whose words and deeds as a Belgian minister of the Church have given him historical distinction, and by the Bishops of Ghent, Bruges, Namur, Liège, and Tournai.

It is impossible to describe the spirit and language of this remarkable appeal. Its

frankness, deep feeling, and Christian charity are very affecting. The Belgian bishops begin by a statement of the facts. When Belgium was invaded by Germany, the Germans were accused of committing inexcusable atrocities. The Belgian bishops assert that these charges are based on evidence that convinces them of their truth. But they state that their German and Austrian brethren deny their truth and make counter-charges of atrocities committed by Belgians on Germans which they themselves believe to be baseless in fact. Even the Kaiser in a telegram to President Wilson accused Belgian Catholic priests of atrocious deeds. This exchange of accusation and denial, the Belgian bishops say, has created a scandal in the Christian Church. In the great case of the invasion of Belgium, German Catholics claim that Belgium was at fault, while Belgian Catholics protest that they have suffered physical outrage and bitter injustice.

And that our protestation may not run counter to yours, without useful effect, we ask you to be willing to aid us to institute a tribunal for searching inquiry of evidence and counter-evidence. In the name of your official tribunal you will appoint as many members as you desire and as it pleases you to choose; we will appoint as many more-three, for example, on each side. And we will ask of a neutral stateHolland, Spain, Switzerland, or the United States-to appoint for us a superarbiter," "who will preside over the operations of the tribunal. You have taken your complaints to the Sovereign Head of the Church.

It is not just that he should hear only your voice.

You will have the loyalty to aid us to have our voice heard also.

We have-you and we—an identical duty to put before his Holiness tried documents on which he will be able to base his judgment.

The Belgian bishops add that they asked nearly a year ago the German political and military authorities in Belgium for a joint investigation, but were refused. They now appeal to their Christian brethren to submit to an investigation by the Church.

It would be a great gain to Christendom if such an arbitration as Cardinal Mercier proposes could be arranged. It would be in accord with the teachings of Jesus, who saidwe quote from the Douay version of St. Matthew's report of his sermon: "But if thy brother shall offend against thee, go and rebuke him between thee and him alone. If he shall hear thee, thou shalt gain thy brother.

1916

291

almost exclusively on the situation created by the European war.

That he felt the burden of his stewardship the President evidently wished to impress upon his hearers, saying at one time that on many a night it seemed impossible for him to sleep" because of the thought of the apparently inextricable difficulties into which our international relations were drifting." Though recognizing the advantage of a campaign year as a year of political accounting" that impresses upon every public man the truth that the goods must be delivered," he deplored the fact that this was a campaign year. He recognized the services of Mr. Mann, the Republican leader in Congress, in refusing to make the issue of preparedness a partisan issue, and thanked God" that there is no party politics when it comes to the life and the welfare of the United States."

President Wilson frankly acknowledged that he had changed his mind on the subject of preparedness, recalled the address to Congress in which he had said "that this question of military preparedness was not a pressing question," and added that he would be ashamed if he had not learned something in fourteen months." Repeatedly he impressed upon his hearers the greatness of the change that had come over his understanding of the situation. At Chicago, for example, he said:

A year ago it did seem as if America might rest secure without very great anxiety, and take it for granted that she would not be drawn into this terrible maelstrom; but the six months was merely the beginning of the struggle. Another year has been added, and now no man can confidently say whether the United States will be drawn into the struggle or not, and therefore it is absolutely necessary that we should take counsel together as to what it is necessary that we should do.

And again :

I did not realize a year ago that the things were possible which have since become actual facts. I am glad that I know better now than I knew then exactly the sort of world we are living in.

THE PRESIDENT'S
WARNING AND APPEAL

It is clear that Mr. Wilson believes the peril to the country very real, otherwise he would not have said in Cleveland: "I also know the difficulties, the real dangers-dangers not about things that I can handle, but

about things that the other parties handle, and I cannot control them." But it is not so clear whether Mr. Wilson regards the peril as remote or as near. At Milwaukee, on January 31, he said: "I want at the outset to remove any misapprehension that may exist in your mind. There is no sudden crisis; nothing new has happened; I am not out upon this errand because of any unexpected situation. And yet on the next day, at Des Moines, he said: "I merely want to tell you that the men who say that we should prepare and prepare immediately are telling the sober truth.'

It is not to the soil of the country, but to the country's honor, its principles of right and justice, that the President evidently feels the danger most manifest. He put aside the thought of the danger of invasion, but he emphasized the danger of having "to assert these principles of right and humanity at any time." The heart of his speeches may be put in his own words briefly : "You have laid upon me the double obligation of maintaining the honor of the United States and of maintaining the peace of the United States. Is it not conceivable that the two might become incompatible?" The people of the United States are devoted to peace, but he asserted that they are devoted to justice and honor more. 'Any man who does violence to right, any nation that does violence to the principles of just international understanding, is doing violence to the ideals of the United States." At the same time the President declared that there is no precedent in American history" for any action which will show that America is seeking to connect herself with the controversies on the other side of the water." The President did not undertake to reconcile these two statements.

Besides these dangers from without, the President referred to dangers from within; but, speaking at Milwaukee, a great center of population of German origin or descent, he declared that these dangers due to "division of sentiment are now past and overcome."

Loyalty he therefore counted on in support of National defense, and he declared that for the purposes of defense the people themselves must provide the means in men and in money. Of the possibility of getting a half million. volunteers he said he had no doubt. He was sure that employers would give the young men in their employ leave to take the necessary training. And he urged the need of

such training in order that these men may not be "mere target for shot and shell."

The navy he announced to be ready for war. He reported, as an expert opinion which he had to accept, the fact that the navy was fourth in size among the navies of the world, though he ranked it higher in quality. He urged support for the plan as set forth in the Administration's naval programme.

The President declared preposterous the accusation that the preparedness movement was due to the makers of munitions. He had no doubt, he declared, that the Government could prevent undue profits from munition manufacture, but he added: "If it is necessary to defend this Nation, we are going to defend it, no matter who makes money and no matter what it costs."

The question that the President put to his audiences can well be stated in his own words : "Do you want the situation to be such that all that the President can do is to write messages, to utter words of protest?"

The President's speeches certainly indicate that he regards preparedness against war as a means of securing peace the most important issue now before the country. In this it is hardly necessary to tell our readers that we heartily agree with him, and, unless we are greatly mistaken, the public sentiment is rapidly coming to the same conclusion.

His speeches will doubtless do something to strengthen that public sentiment and accelerate the change; but he could do a great deal more if he would accompany his speeches with the kind of action for which a strong conviction calls.

This is his chance to recover a losing, if not a lost, leadership. We should like to see him obtain, by one of those strategies which shrewd politicians know how to employ, the resignation of Mr. Daniels, and appoint in his place as Secretary of the Navy a man possessing a knowledge of naval needs and conditions and known by the country to hold the views so forcibly put forth by Admiral Fletcher; we should like to see him appoint a Commission of National Defense, of which, of course, he should be President, on which should be the Secretary of the Navy, the Secretary of War, the Chairmen of the Army and Navy Committees both in the Senate and in the House, and some civilians not now in public life and not members

Marcus in the New York Times

THE NEW BABY

THE FIRST LOOK-THEY MAY LEARN TO LIKE EACH OTHER

From the Berliner Tageblatt

IF THIS GOES ON, THE HORSE MAY COME

THE FIGHT FOR BAGDAD Britannia: "For Heaven's sake, don't let the servants see you, or they will lose all respect for us!"

[The servants in the background are India, South Africa, and Egypt.] IS ENGLAND ASHAMED OF HER EASTERN CAMPAIGN?

H. I. M. the Kaiser (giving a few instructions to the Prussian tribal deity before retiring to rest): "And pray keep the present British Ministry in office for the rest of their lives."

ENGLAND IS A FREE COUNTRY-HER PAPERS SATIRIZE THE GOVERNMENT