From Le Pêle-Mêle (Paris)

T

Mackinney in the Cape Times (Cape Town, South Africa)

Young Jonathan: "Say, Uncle, what did you do in the great war?"

A PICTURE THAT WILL SUIT BOTH SIDES

has been no consequence other than the evidence that, though American solidarity exists, it is not developed enough to translate itself into immediate and efficient action.

Yet, as this latest letter contends, it is necessary to defend the rights and peace of this continent, since principles have been repudiated which before the present war had governed neutral commerce. As in 1914 the Museo called attention to the case of the English steamer Vandyck, sunk by a German cruiser, so now it refers to the case of the Presidente Mitre, which formed part of the Argentine merchant fleet, under the flag and protection of the Argentine Government, and engaged in the coasting trade between Argentine ports. The vessel was owned by a German company. The English captor of the Mitre justified his deed by a British Government decree renouncing the Declaration of London of 1909, which had been signed by delegates at London from the principal maritime powers and which emphasized the principle of respect to a neutral flag irrespective of the nationality of its owner.

In consequence of these events, the Museo proposes the immediate organization of all of the neutral nations of America to demand from the belligerents:

1. Adherence to the rules of maritime law with regard to neutrals, including the Declaration of London.

2. An agreement that the domestic maritime commerce of American countries shall always be considered as inter-American coast shipping when it takes place between the ports of non-belligerent countries, and that the merchant shipping in this category shall always be considered neutral even though under flags of countries which are at war.

As the Pan-American Union, holding its seat in Washington, is governed by the diplomatic representatives of all the American republics accredited to our own, the Museo suggests that the various American governments confide to the Union the task of organizing united action, fully empowering it to act definitely for them.

The Outlook feels it desirable to report this contribution to the idea that there ought to be neutral waters, outside the three-mile limit, just as there are neutral lands. The American governments might agree, for instance, that German or other foreign-owned vessels should ply unmolested between New York and Buenos Aires. But how about England or France? Would they recognize

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any justice in this action? Thus, during the present war, effective action in this regard does not seem practicable to us.

The Argentine initiative is also significant in another direction. Hitherto South American trade has been larger with Europe than with this country. Now, however, its trade with Europe is lessening and with this country is increasing. Hence this is naturally reflected in a greater interest in inter-American trade both in North and South America.

FEAR GOD AND TAKE YOUR OWN PART"

Under this striking title the George H. Doran Company, of New York, publishes this week a new book by Theodore Roosevelt, which discusses the new National and international questions that will form the basis, we believe, of the coming Presidential campaign. This book," says Mr. Roosevelt, "is based primarily upon and mainly consists of matter contained in articles I have written in the Metropolitan Magazine' during the past fourteen months." An appendix contains some public statements, an address on "Americanism," and a reprint of a speech in the Senate by Senator Poindexter, which gives at some length the record of Mr. Roosevelt, extending over a public life of more than thirty years, on the question of preparedness. This Senatorial statement constitutes a historical record of real value to the student of American public affairs.

The book abounds in sentences of the kind that have given Mr. Roosevelt an international reputation as a phrase-maker. Such, for example, are the titles of some of the chapters: "Uncle Sam's Only Friend Is Uncle Sam," "The Sound of Laughter and of Playing Children Has Been Stilled in Mexico," and "When Is an American Not an American?" One chapter relates the history of the Japanese in Korea, and another restates Mr. Roosevelt's position with regard to Colombia and the Panama Canal.

Mr. Roosevelt asserts again that he is essentially a peace man when peace can be maintained with justice and honor, and that he advocates preparedness, not for war, but against war: "Preparedness against war is the only efficient form of national peace insurance." His view of the civic service of the man who is trained to defend his country, as the Swiss or Australian citizen is trained, is keenly expressed as follows: "Recently, in certain circles, some popularity has been

achieved by a song entitled 'I Didn't Raise My Boy to be a Soldier '-a song which ought always to be sung with a companion piece entitled 'I Didn't Raise My Girl to be a Mother.' The two would stand on precisely the same moral level." We do not know of a better brief passage to quote from the book as typical of its whole spirit than the following:

A war can be defined as violence between nations, as the use of force between nations. It is analogous to violence between individuals within a nation-using violence in a large sense as equivalent to the use of force. When this fact is clearly grasped, the average citizen will be spared the mental confusion he now suffers because he thinks of war as in itself wrong. War, like peace, is properly a means to an end-righteousness. Neither war nor peace is in itself righteous, and neither should be treated as of itself the end to be aimed at. Righteousness is the end. Righteousness when triumphant brings peace; but peace may not bring righteousness. Whether war is right or wrong depends purely upon the purpose for which, and the spirit in which, it is waged. . . . The policeman who risks and perhaps loses or takes life in dealing with an Anarchist or white-slaver or black-hander or burglar or highwayman must be justified or condemned on precisely the same principles which require us to differentiate among wars and to condemn unstintedly certain nations in certain wars and equally without stint to praise other nations in certain other

wars.

To this doctrine The Outlook most heartily subscribes. For thirty years Mr. Roosevelt has been a fighter in public life, but never a jingo, and we believe he is entitled to claim that his own record proves that deeds are as essential as words in maintaining a righteous peace.

IN DEFENSE OF THE CHILDREN

A victory for the principle of Federal control of child labor was won when, on February 2, the United States House of Representatives passed the Keating-Owen Child Labor Bill.

This bill forbids inter-State commerce in goods made by children or with the help of children under fourteen years of age if employed in factories, and under sixteen years of age if employed in mines or quarries, and under sixteen years of age whether employed in factories, mines, or quarries if they are worked more than eight hours a day or at night.

Since the development of factories has

been comparatively recent in the South, the evils of child labor have been more marked and opposition to child labor legislation has been more vigorous there than in the North. It is therefore gratifying to note that the delegations of only two States voted solidly against this bill, and in the two Southern States of Tennessee and Alabama the majority of the delegations voted in favor of the bill. But more significant still is the fact that this present Congress is to a very large degree under the control of Southern Democrats, who are supposed to be especially jealous of States' rights, and yet the vote in favor of this bill was 337 to 46. bill has now been referred to the Committee on Inter-State Commerce in the Senate. The chairman of this Committee, Senator Newlands, is understood to be in favor of the bill.

The

This bill was passed by the House of Representatives in the last Congress, but it was not reported in the Senate in time to be brought up in the regular order, and therefore its consideration in the Senate would This have required unanimous consent. unanimity it was of course impossible to obtain. This year it is hoped that the Committee will report it in time for action.

Federal control of child labor is the only fair control. So long as child labor is left to be dealt with by the States separately, those States which have stringent laws assume a burden on behalf of humanity which competing States do not assume. This results in the imposition of a penalty upon the State that adopts humane legislation. Federal regulation of this sort makes it impossible for the State that avoids the burden of this humane legislation to undersell the State that assumes the burden. Justice to the States as well as justice to the children demands the enactment of the Keating-Owen Bill.

CONGRESS AND PREPAREDNESS

The House of Representatives has done another good deed in promptly passing without a dissenting vote two preparedness bills, which to some may seem of relatively minor importance. The significance, however, is not in the nature of the bills, but in the disposition of Congress towards defense measures. Both bills have to do with the navy and both were Administration measures.

The first bill gives to each member of Congress the right to appoint three instead

of two midshipmen. The other bill appropriates $100,000 for additional building ways at the New York Navy-Yard and $500,000 for the Mare Island Yard at San Francisco. Without the enlargement of these ways the battle-ships already provided by Congress cannot be built in the yards to which they have been assigned.

The provision for the increase in the battalion of midshipmen is of vital importance to any plans that may be adopted for enlarging the navy. It takes longer to make an officer than it does to build a battle-ship-and the commissioned personnel of our navy is inadequate in number even for our present needs.

A SWISS MUSEUM OF
THE ARTS AND SCIENCES

It is pleasant, in the midst of the horrors of war, to get now and then unexpected glimpses of the intellectual and art life of Europe, which goes on in spite of the catastrophe that has overwhelmed the European countries, neutral as well as belligerent. A recent issue of the "Journal de Genève" gives an account of the opening, early in January, of a new municipal museum in the little Swiss city of Winterthur, which brings sharply to mind the long road we Americans must travel before we attain the genuine cultural life of many small European communities.

Winterthur is a railway and industrial center of twenty-five thousand inhabitants in the Canton of Zurich. But, says the "Journal de Genève," "this city, which one would suppose wholly devoted to the interests of industry and commerce, reveals itself, when one comes really to know it, as deeply devoted to the achievements of science and art." Quiet and unpretentious in external appearance, it possesses private and public collections of coins, medals, prints, engravings, and paintings which entitle it to distinction. Its public library of more than seventy thousand volumes is, from the point of view of age, the fifth in all Switzerland. In 1909 the Municipal Council, although the city. already possessed a small but excellent Museum of the Fine Arts, began to consider whether the municipality ought not to have a complete modern museum in which all the collections of the city could be assembled under one roof. Private donors contributed 700,000 francs to the project, and the city government appropriated 600,000 francs,

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making a total of over $250,000. The Museum thus projected has just been dedicated. Museum directors, librarians, Government officials, artists, men of letters, and journalists flocked to the ceremonies from all over Switzerland. Addresses were made upon education as well as upon art, and a clergyman of the city spoke of the Museum as a shrine of a trinity most essential to human life-for such a municipal museum is, he said, a veritable temple of the good, the true, and the beautiful."

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The new Museum houses, among other things, the public library above alluded to, a gallery showing the historical development of Swiss painting, and an unusual collection of the works of the French impressionists. One of the most generous donors to the Museum, a citizen of Winterthur, said in his address that in contributing to this dowry for his native city he was only following the traditions of his fathers; "a happy tradition," comments the "Journal de Genève," "which future generations will do well not to forget."

The achievement of this little Swiss city is all the more remarkable when it is remembered that the European war has seriously crippled and in some instances entirely prostrated the industry and business, of Switzerland. We can only add that we wonder with regret how many cities of 25,000 population in the United States can be found which would raise and spend $250,000 for the creation of an institution designed solely to be a municipal temple of the good, the true, and the beautiful.'

THE TOMB OF PERNEB

Though he builded his tomb so well and so strongly of heavy limestone blocks that it has already stood more than forty-five hundred years, Perneb, an Egyptian dignitary, who held high office under the King of Memphis, would be surprised to know of the fame that his skillful building has brought him among a later age of Western barbarians. If the spirit of this flattery-loving Egyptian is still abroad, how it must swell with pride at the sight of the thousands of strangely clothed human creatures that daily visit the tomb which now stands in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City!

Perneb's tomb was discovered in 1907 by Mr. J. E. Quibell, Director of the Government Excavations at Sakkara. Thanks to the generosity of Mr. Edward S. Harkness, a trustee of the Metropolitan Museum, it