365 all the laws all the time, I do not know how they could do it with the means at hand. The rule of reason and discretion should be applied to law enforcement." This principle, asserted now by the Supreme Court of the United States, was asserted in the famous dictum of Cicero in pleading against too rigid an application of Roman law: "Summum jus summa injuria " "Extreme law is extreme injustice." "BLUE" LAWS The so-called Blue Laws of Connecticut came to New Jersey with emigrants from the New Haven colony, who founded Newark in 1666. Blue gowns distinguished the Presbyterian clergy from the Church of England clergy, who wore black. Hence, probably, the name "Blue Laws." Their prohibition of Sunday travel, and of any kind of play, pastime, or diversion, as well as of business and labor, survives to-day. Respect for law is the corner-stone of a stable commonwealth. Any conscious disregard of law is an infectious germ of lawlessness. Open disregard of law by some of the higherup has already bred dangerous imitators among the lower-down. The immemorial "sacredness of law " demands the abolition of every statute unsanctioned by the respect of the community. The surest way to get rid of a bad law, said President Grant, is to enforce it. But there is a less militant way. Athenian democracy in the fifth century B.C. was in this point and some others in advance of American. The first annual business of the Assembly was an inquiry whether any alteration of the laws was needed. Any such proposal, if sustained by the majority, was referred to a special commission, whose decision, after hearing the arguments pro and con, was decisive. Mr. Calkins has kindly informed The Outlook of a practice in Scotland of tacitly repealing laws "by desuetude;" in other words, "an obsolete law is simply disregarded by the Court in a proceeding thereunder. The decision of the Court holds the law obsolete, and thus works out a practical repealer." That Blue Laws are not protected from contempt by decent burial Mr. Calkins's letter to The Outlook ascribes to good people who fight vigorously against repealing them, fearing that it would be a step toward an entire secularizing of the sacred day. Their fight is so strenuous that the lawmakers weary of it and adjourn, saying, "What matters it? The law is dead, anyway." Might we not do better by patterning from the Athenian or the Scottish method, or, still better, by a judicious blend of both? THE FREER MUSEUM In 1905 Mr. Charles L. Freer, of Detroit, offered his art collection to the Smithsonian Institution, and so to the Nation.. " At that time the collection was one of the most remarkable in America, but during the ten years which have since elapsed it has doubled in size and value. It is notable, first of all, because of its unique wealth in modern American painting. And yet the group is composed of comparatively few painters-Whistler, Tryon, Dewing, Thayer, Homer, Sargent, Twachtman, Metcalf, Melchers, and Lindon Smith. Of these names that of Whistler looms large; indeed, the whole collection is dominated by examples of his work, of which Mr. Freer possesses no fewer than sixty-two oil paintings, forty-four water-colors, thirty-two pastels, over seven hundred etchings, drawings, sketches, and lithographs, and, finally, the famous "Peacock Room.' This room is to be given a gallery by itself. Mr. Freer was Whistler's friend and admirer. In a very real sense the collection is a Whistler memorial, as it is also a choice exhibition of that group of modern American painters who stand alike far from both the old academical school and from latter-day aberrations. The second feature of the Freer collection is its wealth in Oriental art. Mr. Freer started with gathering together examples of American art, and especially of Whistler; but his attention was finally turned elsewhere by visiting an exhibition at the Grolier Club in New York City, where he saw some prints by the Japanese master Hokusai, and, noting in them points of contrast with Whistler's manner, bought some of them, and thus formed the nucleus of his now truly extraordinary Oriental collection. It is especially important on the historical side, for it illustrates the development of art as originating in India and carried across China to Japan. There are some seventeen hundred specimens of pottery from Japan, Korea, China, Central and Western Asia, and Egypt, over two hundred and thirty bronzes from the same sources, and several hundred stone sculptures, wood carvings, and ivories, be - sides a superb representation of ancient Chinese jades, and more than six hundred examples of Egyptian glass; there are also early Persian and Indo-Persian paintings, and over twelve hundred Chinese and Japanese screens, panels, and scrolls. At first it was supposed that the building projected by Mr. Freer for his collection would not be available until after his death. Now, however, the munificent donor has been able to set aside $1,000,000 for its immediate construction, the architect is well advanced upon the plans, and the erection will be begun this spring. This announcement is a cause of satisfaction to all art lovers, for several reasons. First, a doubly significant collection will be available, not in its owner's home city, but in the National capital, where it can be enjoyed by many more sightseers than if it were in Detroit. Second, the Freer collection in its own building marks the first great step in this country towards the establishment of such restful and educational small museums as are the Wallace Collection in London and the Poldi-Pezzoli in Milan. Finally, Mr. Freer has added himself to the gratifyingly growing list of those who do not wait for death to transfer their possessions, but enjoy while living the happiness of seeing and directing the disposal of what they. have acquired to the greatest good of the greatest number. THE LANGUAGE QUESTION It is not often that the Legislature of one state or province of a nation passes a resolution admonishing another state or province. Yet this is what has happened in Canada. The Legislature of the Province of Quebec has passed a resolution to the effect that the Province of Ontario should change its school laws and give to the French population their rights. The population of Quebec is over four-fifths French; that of Ontario about cne-tenth. The action of the Quebec Legislature in apparently attempting to dictate an educational policy to the Ontario Government has aroused the resentment, not only of Orangemen and other extremists in Ontario, but also of more moderately minded men. In both the United States and Canada the educational system is based on the principle of free education. Further, as is the case with several States in this country, so in Canada the several provinces have control of education. Canada, however, has made special concessions both to religion and language. As to religion, in the provinces of Quebec, Ontario, Alberta, and Saskatchewan there are separate schools for Roman Catholics; in the other provinces the schools are unsectarian. As to language, in Quebec the French naturally have the upper hand in school control; in Ontario the English have. All of the people of Ontario doubtless believe that their children should receive an English education, but the French in that province want both languages taught. Under existing regulations the teaching of French is limited to an hour a day, except where time may be increased upon special order. This, the French protest, is inadequate. Hence, where they have been strong enough, they have refused to obey the law, and in consequence the Provincial Department of Education has withheld grants from rebellious schools. These then appealed to the courts, but the courts decided against them. The case has now been sent to the British Privy Council. But this is not all. While the French party is almost exclusively Roman Catholic. Canadian Roman Catholics are not all French; some are Irish. And the Irish insist upon the teaching of English in the schools. The main result so far has been that the French have established a large number of private schools. Their districts may thus become more French than ever. It is not easy to predict how the matter will end. One thing is certain. No matter how strong the devotion of the French-Canadian to the British Empire, he has no notion of effacing either his individuality or his language, Empire or no Empire. REDONDO BEACH PUBLIC LIBRARY 367 Cabrera is a robber and a murderer; that to him we owe the terrible condition of peonage of the Indian; that he is to blame for the depleted condition of the national treasury and the depreciation of the national currency that makes a dollar of Guatemalan money worth only two cents in United States gold; that he is starving the soldiers and pocketing the money that should be spent on their equipment. The story of the election procedure is also interesting. Over six months ago the Liberal party held its national convention and nominated Cabrera. The Presidential candidate was to be elected during the year of 1916, and, as January 10 and the following days appeared to be the most convenient time, the elections were ordered to be held then. They were held under the control of the military. There is compulsory military service in Guatemala, and so every citizen is a soldier. He must obey the rollcall frequently; and, in addition, if he hears the bugle blown some afternoon, he must present himself without fail the following morning at the military headquarters of his section. The bugle was blown on Sunday afternoon, and the notice read that all citizens between twenty and sixty years of age must present themselves at eight o'clock the next morning. Monday morning comes, and promptly at eight o'clock the roll is called. Those who have not responded to their names are noted, and may be put in prison for a month or two. Those who reply "present" are drawn up in military array and marched to one of the polling centers. Here they have a campaign button pinned on them and a ballot given them which contains the following words: "I hereby give my vote for the Licenciado Don Manuel Estrada Cabrera for President of the Republic for the term 1917-1923." Those who can sign their names do so. Those who cannot have them signed for them. They then file past the election urn and deposit their ballot. The regiment is forthwith dismissed. This system has worked with sinister smoothness in Guatemala. EDUCATION IN CHINA The work of the Christian Literature Society in China is intimately connected with political progress. The reformers of 1895 were among the most highly educated men in the Empire, and for three years Kang Yu-wei, Liang Chi-chao, and others, through their organ, "Chinese Progress," stirred up the minds of millions of men. Their work was not altogether advanced by the more radical revolutionaries who finally brought about a change from a monarchy to a republic, in so far as some of the revolutionaries followed inefficient methods, and the consequent political unrest allowed bandits like the "White Wolves" to organize brigandage through most of the provinces. The saner upholders of the Republic, however, did much good in enabling President Sun Yat-sen and after him Yuan Shi-kai to establish increasingly stable governments, so that now the latest report of the Christian Literature Society can say, "The people are in comparative peace and trade is reviving." The report does not fail to add, however, "It will take many years, perhaps generations, before China can be put on a stable and progressive basis. For before that is possible there must be better education throughout the land, and the spread of moral ideals and sanctions." So long as education is not developed it is vain to hope for a permanent settlement. That there is hope for such settlement, however, is indicated, not only by what China herself is doing, but also by what her friends are doing for her. During the past year American endeavors have been accentuated by the report of the Rockefeller Foundation Commission, which is about establishing medical colleges of the first order in China. The interest of other nations is indicated by the augmented work of the Hongkong University (British), which has Chinese students from most of the provinces, and by the educational institutions which Japan is putting up in Shanghai, also by the work of the Municipal Council in Shanghai. The chief internal change in the Christian Literature Society is the resignation, after twenty-four years' service, of the Rev. Dr. Timothy Richard. When he began his term of office, China, as he has said, lacked four things true science, true history, true economy, and true religion. As to the first, Chinese text-books said nothing about chemistry or physics. As to history, the text-books spoke of China as the only civilized nation! As to economics, the Chinese books never told students about the advantages to be derived from international trade. Finally, as to religion, any Chinese who became a Christian was liable to be dismissed from the Government service. A REAL NATIONAL GUARD The United States ought not to depend for protection on a volunteer force to be called, out in case of necessity. It ought to be permanently prepared with effectual means for preserving peace, and for this purpose it ought to follow Washington's counsel and as a people be armed and disciplined in preparation against the possible peril of war. This Citizen Soldiery secured by universal training and universal service ought to be under the exclusive authority and control of the Federal Government. At present, except for a small standing or professional army, not large enough to do the necessary permanent duty required by the Nation, our military forces are State militia. The States are explicitly prohibited by the Constitution from making war, "unless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay;" and they are equipped with military power for making war. The power to make war is by the Constitution explicitly given to the Nation, and on the Nation is laid the duty of protecting the States alike from invasion and insurrection; and the Nation is left with a force inadequate even to man its fortifications and perform the necessary police functions of the Federal Government. The States are forbidden to make war and yet are armed and equipped for war. The Nation is required to protect the States and yet is left unarmed and unequipped. To correct this extraordinary anomaly no amendment to the Constitution is required. Congress has only to provide a Citizen Soldiery under Federal control for the National defense, leaving each State to make such provision for enforcing law and maintaining peace within its own borders as it deems best. If the States should cease to maintain a State militia, and in lieu of such State militia there should be organized National Citizen Soldiery under undivided Federal control, the defense of the Nation would be immensely strengthened. In the organization of this new force the National Government would naturally look to the leaders and men of the present organized militia of the States to supply a large proportion of the commissioned and non-commissioned officers of the new regiments. The men of the present National Guard are representative of that portion of our citizens who have taken the greatest interest and sacrificed the most in order to do their share for the National defense. It cannot be doubted that they would display the same spirit of patriotism under a newer Federal organization. If, instead of a State militia, a paid professional State constabulary were organized in every State, the protection of the State would likewise be strengthened. The militia is a military organization, and a military organization is created, equipped, and trained to do battle with another similar military body. It is therefore furnished with the long-distance rifle, the quick-firing machine gun, the cannon, and the mortar. The constabulary is created, equipped, and trained to deal with individuals, groups, or sometimes mobs, always imperfectly organized,, if organized at all. It is therefore furnished with clubs and pistols, and shoots only in case of dire necessity. The rifle of the militiaman is as apt to kill an innocent bystander as a criminal leader; not so the club or the pistol of the trained policeman. The difference between the two is inferred by the saying attributed to Marshal Suvaroff, 66 The bayonet is wise; the bullet a fool." If the money now spent on a State militia which is not needed was divided between a Citizen Soldiery which the Nation needs and a State constabulary which the State needs, the increased expense need not be prohibitive. If accompanied with perfectly legitimate economies, the increase in expense might even be comparatively insignificant. It would take several years to organize, arm, and discipline a National Citizen Soldiery. Meanwhile it would not be impracticable and it would be wise so further to co-ordinate the militia of the various States that out of them could be called a volunteer force in case of immediate necessity, as such a volunteer force was summoned to the defense of the Nation at the outbreak of the Civil War. This, however, even if every man of the organized militia was fit and volunteered (and not half of them, at a liberal estimate, could be counted on as trained volunteers), could furnish no more than 135,000 men. In thus urging the creation of a Citizen Soldiery under exclusive Federal control, The Outlook is not proposing any departure from the ideals entertained and the policies urged by the founders of the Constitution. From their writings and speeches could easily be found effective replies to all the pleas of modern pacifists. Does the pacifist fear a peril to liberty in 369 universal military service? We refer him to Washington's affirmation that "a free people ought not only to be armed but disciplined," as an effectual means of preserving peace. Does the pacifist think a narrow limitation should be put upon the size of our army? We refer him to the fact that his forebears in the Constitutional Convention proposed such a limitation, and the proposal was promptly defeated, all the States voting against it, and we ask him to ponder Washington's suggestion that he had no objection to limiting the force of the army to any given number, "provided the Convention would get foreign governments to agree that they would limit their armies to half that number." Does the pacifist suggest that the proposal of universal service is not based on any precedent in American history? We refer him to the Act of Congress, an actual law, passed in 1792, which provided that "each and every free, able-bodied, white male citizen of the respective States, resident therein, who is or shall be of the age of eighteen years, and under the age of forty-five years (except as hereinafter excepted), shall, severally and respectively, be enrolled in the militia by the captain or commanding officer of the company within whose bounds such citizen shall reside, and that within twelve months after the passing of this Act." Does the pacifist ask us to believe that all danger of war is past and that we may live in peace and safety unprepared? We commend him to the words of Alexander Hamilton: "That there may happen cases in which the National Government may be necessitated to resort to force cannot be denied. Our own experience has corroborated the lessons taught by the examples of other nations; that emergencies of this sort will sometimes arise in all societies, however constituted; that seditions and insurrections are, unhappily, maladies as inseparable from the body politic as tumors and eruptions from the natural body; that the idea of governing at all times by the simple force of law (which we have been told is the only admissible principle of republican government) has no place. but in the reveries of those political doctors whose sagacity disdains the admonitions of experimental instruction." Does the pacifist tell us that in case of invasion a million men would spring instantly to the defense of their country? We refer him to the same Alexander Hamilton: "Here I expect we shall be told that the militia of |