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dead men,



greatest authorities have quarreled; he Blows through them and the colors are grown troubles his brain over the epoch-making faint. question as to whether it was a pole-axe or

What musty lords and ladies, dead and gone, Polacks that Hamlet's father, " in an angry

Stare down at me?...

These faint lips, parle,” smote upon the ice; and if he reads

Faint eyes, faint hands, these ghosts of ages German he may be led into a lengthy contro

past versy as to whether or not Duncan's horses in

In toga, cope, and crown, these

gray “Macbeth " are refused entrance upon the These gray dead women—what are they to stage because such an appearance would be unbecoming to a place dedicated to the high How can you waste a moment of dear life drama of mankind.” When he leaves college, With pallid specters, while without the world he will doubtless send leather-bound editions Heaves in enormous conflict, and men die of Shakespeare as wedding presents to his

As locusts die, in traps, by myriads, friends. If he marries, he will doubtless

And everywhere are white hands reaching up, receive other leather-bound editions of

And hearts desirous and adventurous feet,

And noble men and base men and fierce wars? Shakespeare in return. They will remain

Awake to life! Have done, have done with on the shelves, unread symbols of his re

dreams!” spectability and of his fellowship in the Then out of the darkness come the voices society of those who would be shocked if one

of the spirits of Shakespeare—the drunken professed not to “like Shakespeare."

porter of Macbeth, standing guardian at the It is all very well to prepare bibliographies gate of hell, Coriolanus, breathing passion,

, of Shakespeare's sources, it is all very well

the golden melody of Ariel, the revelry and for scholars to search out each nook and

laughter of Falstaff, and the lo ve music of cranny of his reputation, write tomes upon

Romeo and Juliet. It is their magic speech his punctuation or lack of it, and treatises

that makes the City ask : upon his spelling. What they find of in

“ Voices! Young voices! Lovers! Who are terest we will take, and thank them for it.

they But when they ask us to substitute their Who come, scattering the magic of first love annotated text for Shakespeare himself, we In drops of liquid fire on the night air ?" respectfully decline. Shakespeare is not a

Follow then Viola and Malvolio, and Benedead book, like Merlin's book of magic as

dick from “ Much Ado About Nothing,” to Tennyson describes it :

be swallowed up at last in the darkness. “Every page having an ample marge,

There come, too, Portia, Shylock, Antonio, and And every marge enclosing in the midst

the voice of Enobarbus, painting with gilded A square of text that looks a little blot,

words the barge of Cleopatra. Orlando and The text no larger than the limbs of feas."

Rosalind play their parts, and then in fiercer If any scholar chooses to tell us further that

contrast bursts forth the stormy love of Kath" none can read the text, not even I; and

erine and Petruchio. When these depart the none can read the comment but myself,” he

Spirit of the City finds it in her heart to say: is frankly welcome to his mystery.

" These are not dreams. These are more real The true vitality of Shakespeare cannot be

Than flesh and blood and houses and high more convincingly stated than has been re

towers. cently done by Hermann Hagedorn in his

Those live, and in an unkind wind they die. masque “ The House of Magic," given in These cannot die. They have no mortal part the Century Theater, New York City, as a A chill east wind can blow into thin dust. memorial benefit for the veteran dramatic They are above the blight of wind or sun, critic and lover of Shakespeare, William

Intimate and immortal among men." Winter. In Mr. Hagedorn's masque the

In the martial tones of Henry V, the Spirit of the Modern City questions the wrangling of Brutus and Cassius, the tragedy reality of those great romantic figures, born of Wolsey, the perturbation of Hamlet, the of Shakespeare's genius, that have played so comic doubt of Launcelot Gobbo, and in the large a part in the development of the last dread fate of Lear, the Spirit of the Modern three centuries. The City cries to those who City learns to find more than an echo of have sought refuge in Shakespeare's “cob- her own realities. It is the outcast Lear webbed house of dreams :"

that moves her to say : “ You have a noble house. But it is old.

“Oh, king of rags, am I your daughter, I? Its tapestries are rags. The winter wind

And do I guard my splendor in warm rooms,



While you go crying through the stormy dark,
Shelterless and forsaken, a mad king,
Too kind, too little cautious, for hard hearts
Like mine to comprehend ? Under what

names, Here in my city, do you brave the storm ? Speak, speak. Under what names, under

what names ? Gone! On what corner will I shuffle by A shivering, ragged king, and know him not.”

If, like the City of Mr. Hagedorn's masque, we can find the courage, the vision, and the humility to go to Shakespeare for the knowledge and the understanding of our own times, for the searching of our own hearts, and the reflection of our own passions and ambitions, we shall never find occasion to view the celebration of the tercentenary of his death with any feeling of dread or alarm.

Shakespeare is not dead, either is for an age or all time," despite the best efforts of those who have endeavored to immortalize his fame.

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issued reached only 11,000. Eighty-five days after the order for mobilization given it reached its maximum strength of a little under 13,000 men !

To-day on this Mexican border there is concentrated two-thirds of the mobile army of the United States—a Nation of one hundred million souls. Yet before these troops were able to advance into Mexico on a punitive expedition against a bandit chief it was found necessary to send for reinforcements from California, Georgia, Kansas, and Virginia; and before any expeditionary force could venture upon a foreign soil it found it necessary to advertise for fifty-four motor trucks for the transport of its supplies.

Disregarding the ever-threatening possibility of such an expedition into Mexican territory as we have now undertaken, we have been setting our army an impossible task even in protecting our own soil. We have asked twenty thousand men, divided into organizations too depleted for efficiency, to guard a line four times as long as that which divides the armies of France and Germany.

That such has been the case can in no way be laid to the door of our army officers. The responsibility for this state of affairs rests directly upon Congress and the people of the United States. It is unfortunate that the burden and toil of the undertaking now thrust upon the shoulders of Funston, Pershing, and Dodd cannot also be laid upon our Congress and our people.

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T the Republican State Convention held in New York City a few weeks

ago ex-Senator Root made a severe and apparently unanswerable criticism of President Wilson for the latter's failure to utter an official protest against the criminal invasion and destruction of Belgium by Germany. I say apparently unanswerable because at the Democratic State Conference or Convention held at Syracuse a few days later an attempt was made to answer it. Ex-Governor Glynn, a gifted, capable, and highly intelligent Democrat, was selected as the David of the Administration party to destroy the

Republican Goliath personified by Mr. Root. Curiously enough, however, the Goliath attacked by - David” Glynn was really not Mr. Root at all, but Mr. Roosevelt. It is not a little amusing to the ordinary observer to find that, however much the Republican war horses insist that Mr. Hughes or Mr. McCall or Mr. Cummins or Mr. Borah or Mr. Root is really their champion, the proAdministration forces persist in regarding Mr. Roosevelt as the Republican champion. There may be some significance in this which I do not wholly fathom. But let that pass.

Mr. Roosevelt is entirely capable of taking

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care of himself and does not need the assist- tion I have obtained from the Democratic ance of The Outlook. This journal is con- State Headquarters in New York City an cerned, however, in Mr. Glynn's slings and official copy of Mr. Glynn's speech, and reprint pebbles because he included The Outlook in the alleged Roosevelt extract exactly as Mr. his attack. Several correspondents have called Glynn gave it : attention to the fact that in his speech at Syra- “ A delegation of Belgians has arrived to incuse Mr. Glynn quoted from an article by Mr. voke our assistance. What action our governRoosevelt which appeared in The Outlook of ment can or will take, I know not. September 23, 1914—a quotation which makes " It has been assumed that no action can be it appear that on that date Mr. Roosevelt agreed

taken that will interfere with our neutrality. It that Mr. Wilson was right in making no protest

is certainly eminently desirable that we should about Belgium. “How do you explain,” they

remain entirely neutral and nothing but urgent

need would warrant breaking our neutrality and ask, "the inconsistency between the position

taking sides one way or the other. that Mr. Roosevelt (according to Mr. Glynn]

“Of course, it would be folly to jump into the took in September, 1914, with regard to a gulf ourselves to no good purpose and very Belgian protest and the position which he probably nothing we could have done would takes to-day in declaring that Mr. Wilson have helped Belgium. We have not the smallfailed in his duty to humanity and to American est responsibility for what has befallen her and principles when he failed to make such a I am sure that the sympathy of this country for protest? Does not such a glaring incon- the suffering of the men, women and children sistency prove that Mr. Roosevelt is a turn

of Belgium is very real. coat, and therefore unreliable as a leader of

“Nevertheless this sympathy is compatible

with full acknowledgment of the unwisdom of public opinion ?”

uttering a single word of official protest unless The answer is very simple. Mr. Roose

we are prepared to make that protest effective; velt neither entertained nor expressed the and only the clearest and most urgent national views which Mr. Glynn alleges he held in duty would ever justify us in deviating from September, 1914. To substantiate his allega- our rule of neutrality and non-interference.” tions Mr. Glynn presented to the Democratic

Mr. Glynn, who is an accomplished newsState Convention a mutilated quotation from

paper proprietor and editor, did not add that, Mr. Roosevelt's article in The Outlook, omit

while these words were all written by Mr. ting certain sentences from the passage Roosevelt, their arrangement and juxtaposiquoted so as wholly to change its meaning.

tion are due to the editorial skill of Mr. Glynn Mr. Glynn is the unreliable leader of public

himself in handling the proverbial scissors and opinion, not Mr. Roosevelt.

paste-pot of the newspaper sanctum. NeverMr. Glynn's logic appears to me to be some

theless, as the Buffalo“ Inquirer”remarks, the thing like this: Mr. Root says that Mr. Wilson

words which Mr. Glynn put into Mr. Rooseis to be condemned for a breach of moral and

velt's mouth made the Democratic State ConPresidential duty when he failed in 1914 to

vention happy, for they proved to the satisprotest against the invasion of Belgium, and

faction of the delegates that “ Roosevelt thus urged that the people of the United States

is completely canceled by Roosevelt ; Conshould be not only neutral in act, but in heart.

tributing Editor Roosevelt provided the But how can that be if in taking this position

silencer for Tear-'im-to-Pieces Roosevelt ; he adopted the standards of Theodore

with their peculiar sense of humor, the Roosevelt ? For I am sure, my Democratic

American people are just the folks to enjoy fellow-citizens, that you do not ask your

that revelation.” President to be measured by any higher

Depending upon “the peculiar sense of standards than those afforded by the official

humor of that portion of the American acts and public utterances of the greatest of

people who happen to read The Outlook, I living American statesmen !

now proceed to print the passage from Mr. To substantiate this striking compliment

Roosevelt's article as it originally appeared (which, however, in all fairness to Mr. Glynn,

in these pages, putting in italics those senit must be admitted, was involuntary or at least

tences which Mr. Glynn conveniently omitted subconscious) Mr. Glynn proceeded to read

in his alleged quotation : the following extract, which he said appeared over the signature of Theodore Roosevelt in

A deputation of Belgians has arrived in this The Outlook of September 23, 1914. In

country to invoke our assistance in the time of order not to fall into the error of misquota- their dreadful need. What action our Govern



ment can or will take I know not. it has been text as written by Mr. Roosevelt is sufannounced [Mr. Glynn changes the word an- ficient to show the pit which the Syracuse nounced into assumed] that no action can be champion has digged for himself. Leaving taken that will interfere with our entire neutral

him to scramble out of it as best he can, I ity. It is certainly eminently desirable that we

ask the reader to have patience with me should remain entirely neutral, and nothing but

while I do a little expounding of my own. urgent need would warrant breaking our neutrality and taking sides one way or the other.

I happen to know what Mr. Roosevelt's Our first duty is to hold ourselves ready to do views were in September, 1914, not only whatever the changing circumstances demand in because they are expressed in the article in order to protect our own interests in the present question, but because they were also exand in the future; although, for my own part, pressed in many private conversations in The I desire to add to this statement the proviso that Outlook's office. At the time that his article under no circumstances must we do anything

was written Mr. Roosevelt, as well as The dishonorable, especiaily towards unojlending Outlook, in common with all other patriotic weaker nations. Neutrality may be of prime

citizens of the country, desired to give the necessity in order to preserve our own interests,

President of the United States a full and free to maintain peace in so much of the world as is not affected by the war, and to conserve our influ

opportunity to formulate his policy with ence for helping toward the re-establishment of regard to all the international questions inoeneral peace when the time comes; for if any

volved in the war. Mr. Roosevelt—and The outside Power is able at such time to be the Outlook agreed with him—at that very time medium for bringing peace, it is more likely 10 believed that an official protest against the be the United States than any other.

But we

Belgian invasion was demanded both on the pay the penalty of this action on behalf of peace grounds of good morals and good Americanfor ourselves, and possibly for others in the

ism. He hoped that the President was going future, by forfeiting our right to do anything on

to come to this view, and he did not desire behalf of peace for the Belgians in the present. We can maintain our neutrality only by refusal

to put obstructions in his way, although he to do anything to aid unoffending weik Powers

reserved the right to criticise the President if which are dragged into the gulf of bloodshed and

he failed to condemn the Belgian invasion. misery through no fault of their own. Of course It was in this spirit that Mr. Roosevelt made it would be folly to jump into the gulf ourselves the allusions to Belgium in the article which to no good purpose; and very probably nothing Mr. Glynn misquoted. that we could have done would have helped The article was not written, however, for Belgium. We have not the smallest responsi- the purpose of urging action with regard to bility for what has befallen her [I interpret

Belgium, but for the purpose of urging the this sentence to mean that we have not the smallest share in the guilt; a man may not be

importance of military preparedness upon the

American people at a time when Mr. Wilson in the slightest responsible for the murder of a neighbor and yet have a deep responsibility

was calling all talk of preparedness hysterical. to share in the work of apprehending the

The article was entitled " The World War: murderer), and I am sure that the sympathy Its Tragedies and Its Lessons.” Just before of this country for the suffering of the men, the passage which Mr. Glynn mutilated Mr. women, and children of Belgium is very real. Roosevelt said: “I wish it explicitly underNevertheless, this sympathy is compatible with stood that I am not at this time passing judgfull acknowledgment of the unwisdom of our

ment upon Germany for what she did to uttering a single word of official protest unless

Belgium. But I do wish to point out just we are prepared to make that protest effec

what was done, and to emphasize Belgium's tive; and only the clearest and most urgent

absolute innocence and the horrible suffering National duty would ever justify us in deviating from our rule of neutrality and non-inter

and disaster that have overwhelmed her in ference. But it is a grim comment on the spite of such innocence. And I wish to do professional pacificist theories as hitherto de- this so that we, as a Nation, may learn aright veloped that our duty to preserve peace for the lessons taught by this dreadful Belgian ourseives may necessarily mean the abandon- tragedy." And Mr. Roosevelt further added ment of all effective effort to secure peace for that the chief lesson is that such a state of other unoffending nations which through 110 things as prevails in Belgium " can be abolfauit of their own are dragged into the war.

ished only when we put force, when we put

the collective armed power of civilization, A simple comparison of the garbled text behind some body which shall, with reasonpresented by Mr. Glynn and the actual able justice and equity, represent the collective

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determination of civilization to do what is unless we are prepared to make that protest right."

effective." Even to Mr. Glynn, or to the editors of And, finally : “But it is a grim comment on " Harper's Weekly and the Buffalo “ In- the professional pacificist theories as hitherto quirer" and the Chattanooga "News" (all developed [by Mr. Wilson, let us interpolate]

“ of whom, so I learn from several correspond

that our duty to preserve the peace for ourents, have been as pleased as Punch at the selves may necessarily mean the abandonthought that Mr. Roosevelt indorsed Mr. Wil- ment of all effective effort to secure peace for son in 1914), it must be apparent that in these other unoffending nations which through no words Mr. Roosevelt reserves the right to fault of their own are dragged into the war.” protest against the invasion of Belgium in I submit that ariy fair-minded judge in future articles. Moreover, if these gentle- court of law would rule that Mr. Roosevelt men are capable of understanding irony they in these sentences had laid the foundation will find in the italicized sentences, which for his argument in later speeches and artiMr. Glynn omitted from his Syracuse version cles against the whole policy which the Govof Mr. Roosevelt's article, some ironical com- ernment of the United States has pursued in ment which I should hardly think could be regard to the international crime committed accepted with much rejoicing by Mr. Wilson's by Germany in the rape of Belgium. supporters as an indorsement of his views. Mr. Glynn has a perfect right to defend

For example: “Neutrality may be of prime the Belgian policy of President Wilson ; to necessity to maintain peace,

commend his official appeal for neutrality of the penalty of this action on behalf of peace act and neutrality of heart; and to argue that for ourselves, and possibly for others in the fu- the safety of this country demanded that we ture, by forfeiting our right to do anything on should pass by on the other side when Belgium behalf of peace for the Belgians at present." was stricken. But he has no right to claim

Or, again : “Sympathy is compatible with Mr. Roosevelt as having been one of his colfull acknowledgment of the unwisdom of leagues in holding these views. our uttering a single word of official protest


but we pay




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The Front.

spite of our bitter deceptions. I wish to tell This letter comes from the trenches in you my gratitude for the hope that still lives France, and the writer is a French sol- in my heart, thanks in great part to the dier who has a special sympathy for serene wisdom of your philosophy. American problems and American ideals. This letter is prompted more specially by I have read The Outlook for the last few your article Whither?" in the issue for years, and even now the paper is sent to me December 15, in which you vindicate so conquite regularly by relatives in America. vincingly the religion of the present generaYour contributions to The Outlook, always tion. This reading made me anxious to. interesting to foreign observers of the Amer- know your opinion about the doctrine of ican attitude toward religious questions, evince sacrificial atonement considered in relation in these times of tribulation a well-marked with the innocent victims of this war, be they character of consolation and encouragement; civilians or combatants. You say that you they are a balm to souls stricken in their most can explain to a skeptical friend " a doctrine cherished ideals. Many among us feel shaken, of sacrificial atonement, and it will seem to not in our faith in God's mercy, but in our him a mere scholastic theory, and perhaps it belief in human kind and civilization and will be, as I state it, nothing more than a man's perfectibility. And here you come, scholastic theory. But sacrificial atonement sir, with this great deed of yours, with this is not merely a historic fact, it is a present stanch optimism preached in such winning experience.” Further you speak of “the realmanner in spite of all that is happening, in ity of a continually repeated Gethsemane."

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