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time national and established. Ultramontanism is a vast and a pushing theory: but, in spite of it, there is much true nationality in every country of Europe as regards its Church, which by no means destroys the established character of those Churches, one great feature of which is the willing submission to rule, order, and uniformity of its ministry.

To attribute this uniformity simply to Rome were to abandon the true principles, equally valid in law, for the government of our own Church as for others. A central power may and ought to be as efficacious in England as on the Continent, and if the Church of England wants one reform more than another (and, in our loyal defence of her, we by no means wish to describe her as perfect), it is the bringing out of her governing power into matters of everyday life. Great reforms and changes, and much sacrifice of temporal interests, will be necessary, perhaps, before this is done. But for the Established Church to assume a position safe and secure from the reproaches and charges likely to be made against her, she must be rescued from the vacillating uncertain nature of her responsible government, both civil and ecclesiastic; she must be practically under that central rule which her theory already contemplates. The Church must be more established than she is, or she will be wholly disestablished, and in that case wholly disendowed. And what is the great impediment to the true government of the Church by its legitimate officers, and therefore to the true carrying out of the national or the established principle; for, as the Church ceases to be herself, so does she cease to be national? The real impediment is, surely, that practical secularization of her rights and her property which the sale of livings, and the consequent legal and secular independencies of the clergy, truly involves. The right of advowson, or lay patronage, is in itself a wholesome amalgamation of the Church's work with the general mass of lay influence and feeling; it affords a check to the temporary currents of public opinion, which would carry public patronage too exclusively in one direction; but the actual barter of that patronage, as now openly carried on-and, let it be remembered, that the traffic is comparatively a new thing-is, in fact, a transfer of the Church's governing and controlling right to an individual: for a clergyman's position, when thus protected by the rights of that secular property which he has invested, can practically defy his bishop by making any process against him so expensive that no bishop can carry out the theory and principle of his episcopal office. Of course much may be said on both sides of this question. The higher class of men which the power of money introduces into the Church, the stability given to the Church by this very legal security we have alluded

to may be urged, Security of this kind is, however, to our minds, but gained at the expense of the Church's real capital, which consists, as regards secularities, in the power of her government, and the freedom of her patronage from excess of individual caprice. The real tendency of corrupt patronage is plainly to diminish the controlling power and authority of the Church, and also to destroy, in the public mind, the feeling of their minister being sent by the Church. The purchase of spiritual rights goes far, in the very nature of things, to the denial of those rights, and is a sore trial to any spiritual belief in them; and if dissenters are to be brought back to the Church in any large bodies, we feel sure this is a question about which they will first require to be satisfied.

In a great measure, the mischief is already done irremediably, and the Church must make up her mind to a very large forfeiture of income to regain her necessary freedom from the power of Mammon over that legitimate self-government which she owes to the nation, as a responsibility laid upon her by the State. The principles of compensation now so liberally proposed, as regards the Irish Church, will tell heavily against ourselves in England, if the Church is not to be shaken from her national and established position, and does not become a mere sect or incorporation, resting only on the foundation of its property, and obliged to abandon any spiritual claim at all commensurate with the inhabitants of this country. Meanwhile let us rest assured that any dreams of a separation of Church and State, as bringing good to the Church, are made wilder and wilder by the growth of this evil. The Church has fallen into secular trammels, and it is only by the strong arm of secular law that she can ever be supported under them; that support of the secular arm to ecclesiastical jurisdiction, with supervision over it, which constitutes union of Church and State; that which is the best security for her own internal power, her own rights of self-government and discipline.

To oppose the spirit of sectarianism must ever be the object of those who wish well for the unity, for the strength and efficiency, of any national Church. Such, most especially, was the object of the Church movement which, for a generation, has now been so conspicuous, and so crowned with success; and, consistently with its spirit, it is still the duty of Church people to be on their guard against any of those eccentricities, or that waywardness of temper in dealing with things external, which, even if they appear among some of their own adherents, and rise up even in their own name, are of the nature of, and carry within them the seeds of, sectarianism. We have been treading on delicate ground, personally, as well as in what conceri.s

general principles; but we appeal to those, and those only, who are capable of recognising distinctions, who feel that any movement to be practical must be subject to the laws of common sense; may have its fair and legitimate influence without necessarily being pressed forward into any excesses, under the pretext of being logical conclusions; and that, above all, in dealing with any matters of principle and practice that concern the Church of England, we have to do with a Church essentially national-essentially claiming to be identified with the whole constitution and people of this country, even in spite of the removal of many compulsory and legal restrictions once imagined to be necessary for her defence; and that it is our duty to look upon the great divine principle of unity-unity, as far as may be, in the whole language of action and of service with which she communicates with her people-as the surest, because the consecrated, means of extending the influence of the religion of Christ over all with whom she is concerned, whether nations, as such, with their governments, bodies of Christians under various denominations, or individuals with their manifold predilections derived from habit or association.

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ART. VIII.-Lives of the English Cardinals, including Historical Notices of the Papal Court, from Nicholas Breakspear (Pope Adrian IV.), to Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal Legate. By FOLKESTONE WILLIAMS. London: W. H. Allen. 1868.

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It is not perhaps an unlikely thing to expect that we shall see a Roman community formed in this country out of the English Church, as in the last we saw a Methodist communion both the result of not judging the signs of the times. The fact that the Pope has elevated Irishmen of late years to the purple shows how prepared he is to foster the young community here. He displays not only courage but adroitness in sending a cardinal into Ireland, and raising the first English resident ecclesiastic since the days of Wolsey, as we are told he is about to do, to the cardinal's hat, at the very time when the English Church itself is not unlikely to be stripped of her legitimate dignities, Mr. Williams speaks of the restoration of the order-if we may so call it—as a thing quite settled. By the hat given to the Bonaparte, and the rose to the Queen of Spain, Pio Nono shows his determination to conciliate, as far as he may, now, when his temporalities are in peril, the liberal and legitimate monarchies of Europe. In compiling his work on a class of dignitaries which is likely to again become familiar to Englishmen, Mr. Williams has availed himself of the publications sanctioned by the Master of the Rolls, the State Papers of Spain, Venice, Mantua, and England. His present work therefore contains the fullest information on a subject which the author is the first to treat of.

Mr. Williams' work is arranged in two volumes, containing an introduction and four books. The first book is devoted to the twelfth century; the second, to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The third book is devoted to the fifteenth, and the last to the sixteenth century. To the introduction we have three objections: it is too sketchy; it is not always quite accurate, as when it describes the origin and position of the presbyter (p. 8), when it states that the presence of S. Peter at Rome rests on the authority of S. Jerome (p. 9, note). Writing in the British Museum, Mr. Williams might easily, through an index, have discovered that express testimony is borne to the martyrdom of S. Peter at Rome by Irenæus, Caius, Origen, and

Tertullian, to forbear enumerating others. Our third objection to the introduction is, that while it scarcely contributes anything to the artistic completeness of the work, to the literary worker it is wholly superfluous. The general reader, however, will find in it a pleasant catalogue of English ecclesiastics visiting Rome, and a very outspoken criticism of the policy of the Church and Government of Rome towards the Anglo-Saxon Church, whose overthrow was accomplished by the wicked politics of Gregory VII., and through collusion with William of Normandy. The disaffection of that Church might be said to have been crushed with the Church itself; but the devotion of the Nor mans was not therewith secured. When William was asked for money, and called on to take an oath of fealty before a cardinal, The justice of the first demand,' he would answer, I admit; the other I deny. I will not swear fealty, for I never promised to do so, nor was it done by any of my predecessors to any of thine.'

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Robert of Poole was really the first of the cardinals of English origin. But by so short a space did he precede Nicholas Breakspear, that Mr. Williams, with a laudable respect for superior dignity, gives the after-pope precedence. Reared at S. Albansprobably some priest's illegitimate son-Nicholas easily attained such respect as to be chosen abbot of his monastery, that of S. Rufus of Avignon. The brothers, however, soon rued the selection they had made, in consequence of the strictness of his discipline; and on the second complaint, he told them he knew where the devil takes up his abode,' and directed them to choose another abbot. The complainants were aghast to find Nicholas a short time afterwards called to the highest office in the College of Cardinals, that of Bishop of Alba; and on the death of Pope Anastasius, and the return of Nicholas from his recent triumphant mission to reconcile and settle the ecclesiastical affairs of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, he was immediately elected to the vacant throne.

'There were at one period four different methods of election. The cardinals simultaneously cry out the name of their choice: this is called electing by inspiration. In case of difficulty in coming to a decision, one or more members of the college might be nominated to make the selection: this was electing by

1 We regret that Mr. Williams should have accepted the legend as historical which tells us of Pope Joan. A statement respecting the ninth century, which first comes to light in the thirteenth century, and is not in printed records till Long after, is scarcely to be received. The fact that the Dominicans and Franciscans vied with one another in perpetuating the scandal argues that it was but a satire directed, to the perpetual justification of Protestants declaiming against Rome, against Boniface VIII. The subject has been judiciously investigated, with other like legends, by Von Döllinger, Du Papt. Fabeln des Mittelalters.' München: 1863.

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