Vol. 4.

E

VER since the discovery of America. there has been hidden in the deep recesses of the human mind, the instinctive notion that some how or some where, there is or ought to be a connecting link between the two great bodies of water that encircle the globe. How near this intuition came to being true is measured by the distance at the narrowest point in the Isthmus of Darien, that separates the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The great navigator to his dying day, notwithstanding his futile efforts to discover the "straits" that connected the two oceans, continued to be lieve that they would be found. It has been shown that they do not exist; but ever since the discovery of the Pacific ecean, there has been a prevailing belief among navigators, that there should be some way by which vessels could pass through the narrow strip of land that joins North and South America.

It is one of the marvels that confront the thinking man of today, that notwithstanding the absolute necessity, universally recognized, of such a canal, the comparatively insignificant obstacle that has cost commerce untold millions of dollars, lies today the same barrier that it did when Columbus was vainly searching for the "straits" in whose existence he had such implicit faith. Nobody has ever questioned the necessity for a bridge of water across this narrow strip of land; but strange to say, no nation or company has ever had the enterprise or

No. 2.

money to build it. One or two abortive attempts have been made to accomplish. the end, the most notable of which was the DeLesseps Panama canal in 1888, which, after millions had been spent on it, proved a failure.

I doubt whether it would be too much to say that a ship canal across the Isthmus of Darien, would be of more value to the world of commerce than all the other great canals combined. While it would be impossible to make even an approximate estimate of the advantage of the Nicaragua Canal, it has been adjudged by competent authority that it would develop the trade of the United States with the Orient to such an extent that the volume of business in a single year would exceed the entire cost of its construction, to say nothing of the benefits it would confer on other nations by giving them better commercial facilities.

The American people, with all their reputation for energy and enterprise, are very conservative, and not until the urgent necessity of action in any particular direction is forced upon them, can they be constrained to act; but let a circumstance as convincing as the late war force upon their attention the fact that a certain thing, as the building of the Nicaragua Canal, should be done, and they spare no time, or energy, or money until it is accomplished. This would be the case in the matter before us, were it not for the political mountebanks at Washington who block the way and thwart

the will of the people for personal gain. That the canal is a public necessity is universally acknowledged, except by the bond-holders of the great transcontinental railways. These corporations, through their tools in Congress, may for a time delay the work, but public opinion will eventually override the obstacles that the obstructionists place in the way of this national undertaking.

Various applications have been made. to Nicaragua for concessions, but the importunities of the applicants, as a rule, have met with a cold reception, as the country that the canal must traverse, very wisely wanted to deal with none but responsible parties. Seventy-five years ago, Nicaragua realized the importance of such a canal, and so anxious was she to have it built, that she asked the United States to undertake its construction, and from that time till the present, the little state has been favorably inclined to the great Republic. While Nicaragua is not large or important from a geographical or political standpoint, the better classes of the inhabitants are well informed through travel and attendance at foreign institutions of learning in which many of them are educated. Their intelligence is such that they fully appreciate the value the canal would be to their state, and the United States can count on their endorsement of the enterprise, and on any aid that they can render.

As far back as 1849, Commodore Vanderbilt made a tour of inspection. through Central America for the purpose of ascertaining the feasibility of constructing a canal to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. After satisfying himself that it was practicable, a concession was granted to him by Nicaragua during the same year. He at once engaged competent engineers, who surveyed the route and prepared plans to carry out the work. The name was to be the Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Company. But even the enterprise of a Vanderbilt could not get capital enough interested to warrant him in going on with a venture of so gigantic proportions. His concession finally lapsed and the work was abandoned.

April 19, 1850, the Clayton-Bulwer treaty between the United States and

Great Britain was signed, looking to the construction of the canal, and it seemed for a time that the end so ardently desired, was about to be attained. This treaty provided for the absolute neutralization of the canal in the following words:

"That neither will ever erect or maintain any fortifications commanding the canal or in the vicinity thereof, or occupy or fortify or colonize the same, or assume to exercise any dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast, or any part of Central America, nor will either make use of any protection which either affords or may afford, or any alliance which either has or may have to or with any state or people, for the purpose of erecting or maintaining any such fortification, nor any alliance that either may possess with any state or government, through whose territory said canal may pass, for the purpose of acquiring any rights or advantages which shall not be offered on the same terms to the other."

In another clause it is provided that the contract shall be entered into without delay. There is is no provision for the "United States securing by its own forces the defense of its interests and the maintenance of public order," as there is in the Hay-Paunceforte treaty, that is now hung up in Congress, in the interest of the great railroad railroad corporations. Through procrastination and delays which can best be explained by those who caused them, and later through the intervention of the civil war in this country, the canal was lost sight of until after the fratricidal struggle had ceased. Just then the United States government was not in a condition financially to expend money for any thing that could possibly be postponed. At any rate the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was never carried into effect, and it was finally considered abrogated by the United States at least. It was claimed by the United States that when Great Britain took possession of the Bay Islands, she violated the clause providing that neither of the contracting parties should assume any dominion over any part of Central America, and that this put an end to the treaty. After several ineffectual efforts to have Great Britain abrogate it, President Arthur made what is known as the Frelinghuysen-Zavala treaty with Nicaragua, providing for a canal to be constructed by

the United States and owned by the two countries jointly. The treaty was sent to the Senate, but was never ratified. It was pending when President Cleveland went into office, and he withdrew it, it is said, on account of a clause which obligated this country to defend the territorial integrity of Nicaragua.

In 1872, President Grant sent a commission to inspect a route for a canal, and commended "An American canal, on American soil to the American people." In 1880, President Haves, in his message, called attention to the importance of the canal. President Harrison. advised Congress to hasten its speedy construction. In 1894, President Cleveland, in his message, made it a point to impress on the minds of Congress the necessity for the canal, for the people were clamoring for it, and their demands had to be heard. There has been no division on the subject along party lines. Both of the great political parties have recognized the necessity for it. Prominent men, both Republicans and Democrats, have expressed themselves as strongly in favor of it; but somehow, some occult force has had the power to throw obstacles in the way that have successfully prevented its construction. Who is it or what is it, that thus defeats the will of the people? Who or what is Who or what is it, that has a motive for so doing? The answer to the last question will be the answer to the first.

In 1895 the matter was brought before the Senate, and vigorously debated. Finally a bill was passed, but it found its grave this time in the lower house. In this way various propositions for building the canal have been made, but none of them have accomplished anything in the way of beneficial results. What the Hav-Paunceforte effort that is now pending, will do, remains to be seen. This treaty was made last winter, and at the time of this writing, it is still before the Senate. It is substantially as follows:

"Article I. It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the auspices of the government of the United States," etc.

"Article II. That the contracting parties desiring to maintain and preserve the general principle of neutralization article 8, of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty,

established in

adopted the following rules substantially as embodied in the convention between Great Britain and certain other powers at Constantinople, October 19, 1888, for the free navigation of the Suez Canal."

"First-The canal shall be free and open in time of war as in time of peace, to the vessels of commerce and of war, of all nations on terms of equity, so that there shall be no discrimination against any nation or its citizens in respect to traffic or otherwise. "Second-The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of war be exercised nor any act of hostility be commited in it.

"Three-Vessels of a belligerent shall not revictua. nor take any stores in the canal, except so far as may be strictly necessary, and the transit of such vessels shall be executed with the least possible delay," etc.

"Fourth-No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munition of war, etc., in the canal except in case of accidental hindrance, etc.

"Fifth-The provisions of this article shall apply to waters adjacent to the canal, within three marine miles of either end. Vessels of war of a belligerent, snall not remain in such waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time, except in case of distress," etc.

"Sixth-The plant and establishments," etc., "shall be deemed part thereof, for the purposes of this convention," etc.

"Seventh-No fortifications shall be erected commanding the canal or the waters adjacent. The United States however, shall be at liberty to maintain such military police along the canal, as may be necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder."

A bill known as the Hepburn bill, ratifying this treaty, passed the House on May 3, by a vote of 225 to 35.

An amendment was drawn up by Senator Davis, of Minnesota, chairman of the sub-committee on foreign relations, to be added to Section 5 of Article II, as follows:

"It is agreed however, that none of the immediately foregoing conditions and stipulations in sections 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of this act, shall apply to measures which the United States may find it necessary to take for securing by its own forces, the defense of the United States and the maintenance of public order."

The amendment contains the same provisions that are found in the Suez canal treaty, though the conditions are not at all similar, as Turkey owns possessions on both sides of the Suez canal, while the nearest possessions of the United States to the proposed Nicaragua canal, are hundreds of miles distant. Senator Davis' amendment was supported by the entire committee with the ex