"The liberation of Italians, of Slavs, of Rumanians, and of Tcheco Slovaks from foreign domination.

"The enfranchisement of populations subject to the bloody tyranny of the Turks.

"The expulsion from Europe of the Ottoman Empire, which has proved itself so radically alien to Western civilization."

With the joint reply, was sent a separate reply from Belgium, paying tribute to the great part America has played in aiding that unfortunate country, and urging just reparation for the devastation, still in progress, and the restoration to liberty of its stricken people.

On the same date, January 12th, the German Government sent a note to Washington, accusing the Allies of being bent on conquest and attempting to justify their conduct toward Belgium, and repeating their theories concerning the causes of the war. In the meantime, Ambassador Gerard, speaking at a public dinner in Berlin, January 6th, had made an unfortunate speech in which he stated that "never since the beginning of the war have the relations between Germany and the United States been so cordial as now." This, with other remarks made at the same time, led to such bitter comment in the public press that the Ambassador was asked to verify these statements, which he did, and the matter is now under consideration by the State Department.

In a separate note dated January 13th, and published in the United States, January 17th, Hon. Arthur J. Balfour, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs, further amplified the Allied position, especially in regard to the expulsion of the Turk from Europe. He rehearses the deliberate violation of solemn treaties by the Central Powers and their abandonment of international law, and concludes:

"Though, therefore, the people of this country share to the full the desire of the President for peace, they do not believe peace can be durable if it be not based on the success of the allied cause. For a durable peace can hardly be expected unless three conditions are fulfilled: The first is that existing causes of international unrest should be as far as possible removed or weakened; the second is that the aggressive aims and the unscrupulous methods of the Central Powers should fall into disrepute among their own peoples; the third is that behind international law and behind all treaty arrangements for preventing limiting hostilities. some form of international sanction should be devised which would give pause to the hardiest aggressor. Therefore it is that this country has made. is making. and is prepared to make sacrifices of blood and treasure unparalleled in its history. It bears these heavy burdens. not merely that it may thus fulfill its treaty obligations, nor yet that it may secure a barren triumph of one group of nations over another. It bears them because it firmly believes that on the success of the Allies

or

depend the prospects of peaceful civilization and of those international reforms which the best thinkers of the New World, as of the Old, dare to hope may follow on the cessation of our present calamities."

On January 22nd, President Wilson, addressing the United States Senate, laid down a plan for a league of peace for uniting the nations after the war, based according to his statement on a wider application of the Monroe Doctrine. The proposals he put forth, especially that no permanent peace can exist except from "peace without victory," for so-called "freedom of the seas," and peace by persuasion, have called forth much severe comment from the European and American press.

as

Colonel Theodore Roosevelt in an interview states: "As for the statement there can be no real peace with victory, so far Belgium is concerned the statement stands on a par with a similar statement. had there been such, after Bunker Hill and Lexington, that there could be no real peace if victory came to the forces of General Washington. If the men of Bunker Hill were right, then the Belgians have been right, and to say that the victory of the oppressed people struggling for freedom is incompatible with peace deserves no more consideration in one case than the other.

"If President Wilson's statement had been made by the Emperor Napoleon III or by Lord John Russell in 1864. I doubt if it would have won any very enthusiastic support from Abraham Lincoln, although it would have been applauded by the pacifists.

"During the last few years our Government has shown itself powerless to protect the lives of American men, women and children on the high seas and in Mexico, and powerless to protect the honor of American women in Mexico.

"When we have learned to do our duty in such an elementary matter, when we have learned to keep the promises we have made on behalf of weak nations, when we have shown willingness to give proof of courage, foresight, strength, and willingness to undertake services and make sacrifices for high causes in the present, we shall command greater respect in the world than we do at this moment."

The New York Sun writes: "For at least a thousand years to come a certain fact of yesterday will stand among the double starred curiosities of history. It is the fact that the same President of the United States who through administrative inefficiency failed for nearly four years to secure peace just across our own border in Mexico mounted a rostrum where he had no business to be to lecture the whole world on the terms upon which peace in Europe should be made and on the manner in which reace in Europe and elsewhere should thereafter be maintained."

The New York Herald: "Mr. Wilson assumes to dictate to nations in arms the terms upon which peace should be pro

claimed. He lays it down as essential to a peace which will have the approval of the United States-whose approval has not been asked and probably never will be-that it be peace without victory.' If that means anything it means that Mr. Wilson favors a peace bearing the hallmark, 'Made in Prussia.'

"It will be so interpreted by the peoples of the Entente nations. How else can it be interpreted by the peoples of the United States?

"Mr. Wilson's assumption that in favoring that sort of a peace he speaks for the American people is as unwarranted as is his peculiar assumption that he speaks for the peoples of nations at war."

"Theoretically the President's fine words are very smooth and very sweet and very virtuous," says the Toronto World, "but it was exactly fine words like these behind which Germany prepared to ravage Europe, and now he asks that no nation be humiliated or have terms imposed upon it 'that would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory.'"

The Toronto Globe says: "When President Wilson asks the Allies to sheath the sword and to make a dishonoring peace with an enemy that glories in the violation of international law and who arrogantly claims the fruits of victory, he need not be surprised to find that the spirit of Lincoln and the imperishable cause of human liberty with which his name is indelibly associated have not yet perished from the earth."

"The Allies believe that a victory peace is essential," the London (Eng.) Times insists, "as Lincoln believed it essential in the Civil War. They believe it essential for the attainment of those very aims of the moral and ideal kind which President Wilson regards as indispensable to the foundation of a solid peace such as America might help to guarantee."

The London Morning Post answered Mr. Wilson's assumption that neither side desires victory by pointing out sections of the Kaiser's recent proclamations and letters in which he emphasized Germany's determination for a complete victory.

"We agree with the principles President Wilson has enunciated," says Le Matin, Paris, "but there is a portion of humanity on which the fact must be forcefully impressed that it is mere delusion to think that persuasion can be effective."

"Unless Germany is defeated, not one of Mr. Wilson's demands can be fulfilled, and his roseate vision will fade into oblivion. Reparation and restitution to France, Russia, Belgium, Serbia and Montenegro are possible only if Germany acknowledges defeat. Can President Wilson really believe the Union could have been maintained if a victory had been denied to the federal armies?"-Statement by Lord Sydenham, formerly chairman of the British Air Board, on the peace message of President Wilson.

The New York Churchman's Association

At a meeting of the New York clergymen of the Protestant Episcopal Church, held Monday, January 15, 1917, the following resolutions were unanimously passed:

"Whereas, The world has been appalled by the action of the Imperial German Government in forcing non-combatants in Belgium into alien slavery;

"Whereas, This action is not denied and the excuses offered for it by officials of the German Government are themselves admissions of this unspeakable wrong;

"Whereas, These deeds are still continuing, day by day, and the workers of Belgium, 500,000 or more in number, have just issued a despairing appeal to their brother workers throughout the world, and especially to the workingmen of the United States to speak out for them and save them from being carried into bondage;

"Resolved, That we, members of the New York Churchman's Association, here assembled, as Ministers of Jesus Christ, as men, and as American citizens, express our horror and indignation at these acts of the Imperial German Government; that we condemn these deeds as unlawful, inhuman and unworthy of civilized people, and extend our sympathy and our moral support to our outraged fellow men;

"Resolved, That with the heartrending appeal of the workingmen of Belgium before us, we offer the suggestion, and express the hope that unless effective action has been taken by our Government before that time, February 22nd, George Washington's Birthday may be made a day for churches of all denominations, labor unions, lodges and organizations of every kind throughout our land openly to express their protest against this monstrous wrong and to let our Government know what the feeling of the American people is;

"Resolved, That we hereby respectfully and most earnestly petition the President of the United States to make it immediately and unmistakably known to the Imperial German Government that the Government and people of the United States sternly disapprove and condemn the course which Germany is pursuing towards Belgium and that the Government of the United States in the name of humanity demands definitely that the unlawful enslavement of non-combatants in Belgium shall at once cease and that those already thus enslaved shall be set free and returned to their homes;

"Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the President of the United States, to every member of the United States Senate and of the House of Representatives and that copies of the resolutions be also sent to all the Bishops of the Episcopal Church, to the clergy of all denominations in the city of New York and others elsewhere and that the resolutions be given to the public press. William T. Manning, John P. Peters, Thomas T. Nelson, Committee."

(Our readers will be pleased to read this month's "Glasgow Letter," by Miss Grace Darling Wilson, daughter of our esteemed friend and correspondent, the late John Wilson. whose death was noted in our January number, and to know that Miss Wilson will continue the interesting letters that have appeared for the past two years in "The Caledonian." Miss Wilson is a talented writer and a patriotic Scot, and has been a close associate of and a great help to her father in his varied interests. Miss Wilson's letters will cover the important doings in the whole of Scotland.-Ed.)

With the going out of the old year, we take with us into the new many memories which we cherish, among these the memory of several distinguished Scotsmen of the literary world, whose earthly labors ceased with the last month of 1916.

In the death of Dr. Charles Russell, so long editor of the Glasgow Herald, St. Mungo has lost one of her ablest literary lights and most capable editors. In a specially contributed article in the Newspaper World on Dr. Russell, Dr. D. T. Sandeman tells the following good story: "When Charles Russell joined the LEEDS MERCURY in his young says, and was introduced to Sir Edward Baines, the latter exclaimed, 'What! another Scotsman!' but there is a sequel to the story which throws a flood of light on the meaning of Sir Edward's remark. Whilst Russell was working one night in the reporters' room of the MERCURY with four others, a stranger entered, and, looking anxiously around asked, 'Is there a Scotsman among you? To his surprise, no doubt, all the five held out their hands." This incident is recalled for the purpose of alluding to the well known prevalence on the staffs of newspapers in England and elsewhere, of journalists from north of the Tweed. Dr. Russell of course came back to Scotland, as also did his successor on the Herald. Dr. William Wallace, but there are others who, through circumstances or preference, have continued their careers across the border.

One of these latter is the well known journalist, Morrison Davidson, who also departed this life with the last month of the old year. He, in spite of, or perhaps because of Anglican associations and residence in London, still remained a typical Scot. He was, in fact, an uncompromising Scot, with almost puritanical leanings. He was born in Aberdeenshire in 1843, and during his long literary career never lost sight of "His ain country." His last contribution to the press, three months ago, was in praise of the Scottish System of Education. He has published many booklets, but perhaps his best known is Scotland For The Scots, which so well expresses the sentiments of the writer.

Last, but not least we would refer with deep respect and affection to the death of Mr. John Wilson, who has for long contributed this "Letter" to your magazine, and to whom the task was one of his greatest pleasures during a busy lifetime. It would not be fitting to make personal remarks here, but the following appreciation to his mem ory, written by D. S. McGregor, the president of the Glasgow Centre of the Scottish National Song Society, and sent by the office bearers and members to his widow and family, speaks for itself:

"The sad and unexpected news of Mr. Wilson's death was read with regret by a large circle of friends and admirers, for he was a well known personality not only in Glasgow, Edinburgh and Dundee, but throughout Scotland. His activities on behalf of Scottish Nationalism were well known and highly appreciated, and nowhere more highly than amongst the members of the Scottish National Song Society, of which he was the founder. Your office bearers bear testimony to his assiduity, zeal and devotion to the interests of the society. Difficulties, to him, only existed to be surmounted, and obstacles, to be removed, and so to his courage, guidance, and counsel, the foundation of the success that has attended our efforts, is greatly owing to him.

"Gifted by nature with a fine presence, and endowed with rare mental powers and a whole hearted sympathy with the subject of his thoughts as well as a felicity of expression, his appearance as a lecturer was ever welcome.

"There was no dubiety about his opinions, for they were the outcome of consideration and conviction.

"Though a busy man, in this city of strenuous life, he yet found time to devote his spare moments, not only to our society, but was a distinguished member of the Scottish Patriotic Association, and also of the Scottish Burns Club. The members of these societies, along with ourselves, mourn the loss of a leader whose place it will be difficult to fill.

"Only three weeks before his death, several gentlemen now present, and myself, had the pleasure to hear him deliver a delightful lecture to the Scottish Burns' Club. He looked that evening as if he had a long lease of life, and delivered the lecture with great effect. Little did anyone present think that ere the next meeting night came round the sound of the speaker's voice would be silenced and his spirit inhabit other spheres.

"I could say much more of our departed friend, but refrain out of respect for his

memory, whose guiding principle was duty, not popularity."

We notice, in connection with the controversy between the London and Edinburgh Committees, when, it will be remembered, London officiously interfered with the Edinburgh scheme for sending Scottish artists to the Scottish Regiments at the front, that at last the dispute has been settled. Scotland

is now to be represented by three members, one from Glasgow, one from Edinburgh, and one to be selected by the Scottish Y. M. C. A. As a result of the settlement of hostilities, it has been arranged to send two companies of Scottish artists to the front during the winter, the cost to be defrayed from the Scottish Fund.

We think it rather a pity that the Edinburgh Committee have not stuck to their original intention of working independently of London, but so long as the Scottish Committee does not require to remind the London Committee of our National Motto, "Nemo me impune Lacessit," perhaps the "peace" policy is best; and Edinburgh has shown again that she is worthy of her country when such questions crop up from time to time.

The Rev. Dr. Glasse, of Edinburgh, has been drawing attention to the neglect of the Scottish poet, Robert Ferguson, whose only memorial in Scotland is the stone erected to him by Burns in the Canongate Kirk yard. When one considers the towering piles erected in the same City of Edinburgh to men who did little or nothing in comparison for their country, one feels ashamed that attention should require to be drawn to a matter of this kind, and it is to be hoped that the seed planted by Dr. Glasse will bear fruit in the shape of some suitable memorial to this Scottish genius.

Paisley has been offered and has accepted some interesting letters and two songs, written by the poet Tannahill, which will be placed in the Paisley Museum. The donor is Mrs. Melville, Dumbreck, Glasgow, whose grandfather was the recipient of the letters from the poet himself. The "Paisley bodies" will be pleased to have this addition to the Museum collection, which is already distinguished and considerable.

The annual concert on Gleniffer Braes has always seemed to us a singularly appropriate way in which to commemorate this sweet singer long silent.

It is not too often one comes across such a fine will as that of the late Archibald Campbell MacDuff, who died in London recently, leaving the residue of his estate for the founding of an institution for the maintenance, education and upbringing of children whose parents are dead or unable to provide for them. The children are to be brought up in the country, and in a moral and relig ious manner in the faith and under the supervision of the Church of Scotland or of the United Presbyterian Church. The extensive property of Birchcraig, Tullymet, has been acquired for the purpose. In selecting the children, preference will be given to

those of the name of MacDuff and also to children who shall have been born in the district and parishes with which the testator's family had the greatest connection.

Speculation was rife previous to the Christmas and New Year holidays as to whether the Scottish soldiers on service would be considered and allowed "Ne'erday" in place of Christmas; and we are glad to hear that at least in several cases to our knowledge the choice was left to the soldier. who, needless to say, postponed his holiday till the New Year week-end, when "Scotland” celebrates, according to the particular taste of the individual.

At a meeting of the Glasgow United Free Church Presbytery on 12th December last. some criticism was offered on an arrangement to hold a review of Volunteers on Glasgow Green on the Sunday, and a report of the Sabbath Observance Committee, containing a protest, was adopted. The Rev. Mackintosh Mackay said, "It would do no good to the Volunteers to begin in this way, which was really an outrage on Scottish Christian sentiment," and the Rev. Mr. Weipers remarked that "Such a concourse of troops was of no military value, it was merely for spectacular display."

We are very pleased to see that there are those among our Scottish Ministers, who, in cases of this kind, have "the courage of their convictions" and are not afraid to voice them. More power to them! If, in each department, when encroachment is made on our national sentiment, or honor, we had such supporters as the two Ministers mentioned, there would be a better chance of "nipping in the bud" the filching tendencies of our friends across the border.

Miss Mary Henderson, a Dundee lady, who left this country last August to go to the Roumanian front in connection with the Red Cross, has just returned, full of enthusiasm and praise for the heroic women workers attached to the Scottish Women's Hospital for foreign service. She says of them. "They have upheld the very best traditions of Scottish pluck and endurance," and adds, "that every single member of the Unit has been in danger of her life." Of these same women workers a Russian officer was heard to enquire, "I wonder if Scottish girls do not need sleep." We are proud of such tributes to the women of a country already famous in history, and who have apparently inherited the indomitable spirit of the Scot.

The newly elected M. P. for Edinburgh and St. Andrew's Universities, Sheriff Johnston of Edinburgh, should prove an ideal representative, as it is said he takes a keen interest in all questions pertaining to Scotland; but "The proof o' the puddin's in the preein o't" and what he will do in defence of his country and for his country when the opportunity comes his way, is yet to be seen. We will watch with interest his parliamentary career.

GRACE DARLING WILSON. 64 Terregles Avenue, Pollokshields, Glasgow, January 3rd, 1917.

Even in war-time the 25th of January is one of the red-letter days of the Scotsman's calendar. There may be less of haggis and whiskey than at the celebrations with which we were familiar in the happier days of peace; many local festivities may even be abandoned, but the birthday of Robert Burns is nevertheless commemorated in traditional fashion "wherever Scotsmen gather." It is well that this should be so, for Burns's message is as appropriate to the stormy period of the war as to the halcyon days of peace. More than any other of our poets or novelists, he is the accepted interpreter of the national aspirations of the Scottish people. Sir Walter Scott may remain the greatest of our romantic novelists; the turgid eloquence of Thomas Carlyle may still appeal to studious readers; David Hume may be accorded general recognition as historian and philosopher-despite the fact that his mother regarded him as a "guid quaet chaitur, but unco weak mindit"; the great Gaelic poets may have their vogue; Lord Byron, although he spent his early years in Aberdeen, was after all at heart an English bard; and there may still be Scotsmen who prefer the fine old songs of Fergusson and Lady Nairne to the fatuous drivel of the modern music hall. At the same time, none of these authors-or indeed any other author-is accorded so warm a place in the hearts of the Scottish people as the ploughman bard of Ayr.

Americans like Oliver Wendell Holmes may marvel how Scotland "can clasp her darling poet so closely to her breast without breaking her stays," but Burns's own countrymen are not likely to find in that circumstance any cause for astonishment. Burns's popularity is rooted in the life, traditions and aspirations of the Scottish people. His poetry touches life at many points from "the love of a man for a maid," which commanded the wondering admiration even of Solomon, to the vigorous democratic sentiments of "A man's a man for a' that," and the lofty idealism of "The Cottars Saturday Night." Even his rollicking rhymes throb with the "jov of life." Above all things, however, it is as a poet of Scottish nationalism and of Scottish democracy that Burns is remembered and it is with that aspect of his life and work that we are meanwhile concerned.

Robert Burns, notwithstanding the fact that he wrote one of the finest war-songs ever penned, was essentially a poet of peace. More than once, in blunt ploughman fashion, he asserted his preference for peaceful rural scenes, and the supremacy of family life and parent-hood over the grimmer trade of the soldier. Moreover, in many respects, the days in which Burns lived strangely resembled our own. Then, as now, thrones and dynasties were trembling in the balance. Already the revolutionary wave which had spread over