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Our skimmings of the pages of Lepsius may suffice to show that it is a work of actual value; and though, as we think, the translation reflects its German physiognomy too truly, we must add, that it is illustrated by a

considerable number of learned and able notes.

Mr. Cooley's work was originally framed with the object of clucidating a large map, which he had prepared of the portion of Africa lying between the equator and the southern tropic. This he has been unable to bring out; but as the value of comment on progressive discovery is liable to change, he has thought it best to publish his Memoir without further delay. It is accompanied by a small map, which answers the purpose of showing, at once, his inquiries and his views.

Mr. Cooley is no novice on the subject of African geography, nor does he approach its doubtful points without previous preparation. More than twenty years ago he published a Memoirt on Southern Africa, in which he pressed the expediency of exploring the heart of that region in a particular direction, pointed out the facility with which it might probably be done, and stated that he conceived it would be found that certain streams, which he named, were the head waters of an important river, the Manisa. These anticipations, it appears, have all been verified in the recent travels of Messrs. Oswell and Livingstone. In 1845, he published a paper on the geography of the great lake Nyassi; ‡ and in his present work he is enabled to compare his observations of that date with the later discoveries of our missionaries in Eastern Africa. He is a rude assailant in any point that he contests; but even when unsuccessful, must be allowed to be well acquainted with his weapons; and although, as we have seen, he occasionally impeaches the reports of missionaries, his incredulity is at least impartial, extending alike to Jesuits, Portuguese priests, and to those who are the acting employés under our great Protestant Societies. The great achievement of Mr. Cool

ey's work is, that it takes us

across

the whole continent of Africa, from the neighbourhood of Loanda, south of the Zaire, on the western coast, to Kilwa, the corresponding point on its eastern shore, authenticating the way by references chiefly to Portuguese writers. The line of march goes at times somewhat north, and sinks again a good deal south, and it is supported by authorities to such an extent, that the reader has a bona fide feeling, that this part of Inner Africa is laid open. This is accomplished by taking three routes-First, from the western shore to Lucenda, the capital of Cazembe, a great kingdom which lies just half-way across. Next, that of another traveller who, starting from Tete, south of Cazembe, reached the same point, Lucenda, from the east, having passed very near to the great lake, or inland sea of Nyassi. The short remainder of the course across, is then made out from Kilwa, to the lake just mentioned.

In the year 1802, Francisco Honorato Da Costa, superintendent of the Portuguese factory at Casange, not far inland from Loanda, sent two Pombeiros,§ or native travellers, into the interior, with instructions to cross the continent, if possible, to the river Zambeza, near the lake Nyassi. Their objects were commercial, but they thought it best to represent themselves as envoys of Mueneputs (the name by which the King of Portugal is known), seeking a brother of their chief's, who had travelled in these countries a few years before, and had not been since heard of. The Pombeiros had only made an eight days' march when they were arrested by a petty chief; they however got off, and, on about their twenty-second day, arrived at Secúlo, the town of a chief named Bomba, who is styled in Da Costa's account as "Ruler and lord of all the Sango, and passage to the interior." Here, with the obstructive policy so prevalent in Africa, they were detained for upwards of two years. At length, ransomed by Da Costa, they were allowed to proceed, and a few days afterwards crossed the Quango. After being again detained

"Memoirs on the Civilisation of the Tribes near Delagoo Bay." By W. D. Cooley. London. 1830.

"Memoirs on the Geography of Lake Nyassi." Printed in the "Journal of the Royal Geographical Society."-Vol. xv.

§ Pombeiro is a Portuguese word, formed from the native "pambu," a journey.

and ransomed a second time, they entered a desert, five days beyond the Quango, which it took them ten to cross. They were then on the frontier of the Muropúe, or king of the Moluas, and in forty-eight days from the banks of the Quango, reached his residence. The Muropúe, pleased with their presents, and especially with a scarlet coat and gilt buttons, not only received them with kindness, but sent ambassadors to Da Costa, at Casange. This was in 1805, and yet these ambassadors only reached Casange in 1808. They were fine-looking men, with long beards, their legs and arms loaded with copper rings, and their heads adorned with parrot's feathers. They brought as presents slaves, skins of apes and zebras, mats, rush-baskets, bars of copper, and salt.

The territory of the Muropúe is separated by the river Luburi from that of Muginga Mucenda, lord of the frontier, whose office it is to supply the wants of travellers on this, which is, we are told, the most difficult part of the road between the Muropúe and the Cazembe. Our Pombeiros, having passed the Luburi, crossed the district of the salt and copper mines, which are the mainspring of the inland trade of the continent, and traversing the dominions of the Cazembe, reached his faroff residence and chief town, Lucenda, on the last day of 1806. Here they remained for four years, and at last setting out on their return, they re-appeared at Casange in 1815.

The Cazembe was formerly a vassal of the Muropúe but is now an independent sovereign, and being master of the copper and salt mines, has made himself the most powerful chief in this part of Africa. His town, Lucenda, stands on the northern bank of a broad marsh, and is unhealthy; but having some rivers near which give it commercial advantages, it is probably, on this account, retained as the residence of the chief. Mr. Cooley observes, that though the place has been visited by two Portuguese expeditions-one in 1799, and the other, under Major Monteiro, in 1831, the former remaining nine, the latter four months-the information collected is but scanty. The accounts of these expeditions refer to the great lake or sea to the east of Nyassi, but supply no sufficient particulars as to the communications with it.

The

The Pombeiros were persevering men, but the record of the second route, from Tete to Lucenda, rests on the narrative of a more accomplished traveller, that of Dr. Francisco Josè de Lacerda, who had become favourably known by his travels in Brazil. He left Tete with a large retinue, on the 3rd of July, 1798. On the 7th of August he halted near the town of Mucanda, and met with nations whose traffic extended to Mozambique. The country he had crossed was generally arid, and the water in the village wells as white as milk. Their course, which had hitherto been N.N.W., now became more westward, and they found many traces of the Moviza hunters, who kill the hippopotamus for food. journey had now become distressing. "Trees and bogs hindered the march; the country was dreary, the night very cold, the day burning hot." At length they entered a spacious valley filled with villages of the Moviza, whose slender clothing is made from bark, and whose frizzled heads are powdered with a bright, red dust got from wood. Their millet harvest being just over, the people were nearly all intoxicated with a newly made beer. Passing on, they arrived at the Zambeze, and "here," says Lacerda, "end the famished territories of these frizzled and periwigged people, the Moviza." The aspect of the country before them was altogether changed, and a level plain extended to the horizon. Crossing this, and then wading. through a wide marsh, the expedition arrived at Fumo Chipaco, a town belonging to a subject of the Cazembe, and the largest they had yet seen. Here they were received with kindness, but only halted for a day, and continuing their march through undulating tracts or low plains, spread over with stagnant water, they after some days found themselves in a very different district. The vast trees which covered it, brought to Lacerda's mind the forests of Brazil, and elephants were numerous. This leaf-wealthy region, as Dr. Lepsius would call it, was succeeded by another so desolate, that the seven days it took them to cross it, seemed as so many ages. They passed remote villages which had been deserted on account of lions, but pressing forward, at length experienced another of these scenic contrasts which are nowhere so frequent as in Africa.

They found themselves in a lonely hamlet, where they were regaled with delicious sura, or palm-wine, made of the wild palm called uchinda, and found that the inhabitants were bound to deliver it, fresh, every third day at the residence of the Cazembe.

As this circumstance indicates, they were now near to Lucenda, which they reached on the 2nd day of October, and their ninety-second from starting. On their arrival, poor Lacerda, worn out by the journey he had accomplished, took fever, and on the 18th died. The command of the expedition now devolved on Father Francisco Joze Pinto, whose unfitness for the office was soon apparent in the insubordination of his followers. The Cazembe, much provoked at the delay of the presents, sent to draw two of Father Francisco's teeth. The hint was sufficient; and he afterwards showed the party much kindness, except that for some time he refused their application to be allowed to return westward to Casange; assenting to it at last only on the condition of two of the soldiers being left behind to await another opportunity. These men were still at Lucenda when the Pombeiros arrived there.

Having so far made good the line of

communication across Africa from Loanda, on its western shore, to the neighbourhood of Lake Nyassi, we take up the third route, describing the remaining distance from Kilwa, on the eastern coast, to the lake. This may be sufficiently indicated by the following extract:

"The road from Kilwa to Sài (the Jáu of the Portuguese) goes, S. W. for a month to the Livuma, a great river, navigated in large canoes capable of containing thirty people. From the Livuma it passes through Kingombe, the seat of a maravi, or independent chief, to Lukelingo, the capital of Jáo, in fifteen days. West from Lukelingo, at a distance of seven days' journey, Irjesa, a remarkable mountain densely peopled in small hamlets, from the summit of which Nyassi, or the lake, may be seven or eight days distant. Thus, according to Nasib, the Miào (native of Jao) who gave this account, the lake, or Nyassi, at the foot of Irjesa, is two months' journey distant from Kilwa. master, Khamis ben Othman, a Sawahite, thought that the distance might be travelled in a month; but Nasib, who had no idea of rapid marching, and who laid much stress on the labour of dragging tusks of ivory and carrying cakes of wax, would only admit that the time of the journey might be reduced to six weeks. His day's journey may be reckoned at six miles, and the distance of Nyassi to Kilwa, by the route indicated, 370 miles."-Cooley's "Inner Africa," pp. 51, 52.

His

There is much more upon the subject of the route and of the lake; but for further information on these topics and others, already glanced at, we refer to the work itself. We have shown that it is not devoid of interest for the

general reader, although it abounds in geographical discussions which can never be popular. To the earnest student of African discovery, and to any who may desire to learn the way of access to Portuguese authorities upon this subject, and how to use them, Mr. Cooley's work will be invaluable.

BRITISH RULE IN INDIA.*

WHEN ominous mutterings, presaging oriental war, were first heard from the Bosphorus, committees of both Houses of Parliament were sitting in anxious inquiry into the state of our Indian empire. The then existing relations between the East India Company and this nation were drawing to a close, and it became necessary to renew or remodel the Government of Hindostan. The growing complication of the Turkish question, fostered by the anxiety for peace manifested by the western powers, fixed the attention of the nation in the same direction, though almost all other subjects of public interest were neglected. Every man felt that the Eastern war was the great question of the day; and all who thought deeply on the subject knew that to England the fate of Hindostan was the most important portion of that question.

Here, girt by the ocean, defended by our colossal fleet, we could mock the power of Russia; Portsmouth would hardly be another Sinope; and even were the Dardanelles in the hands of the autocrat, and Stamboul, rebaptised, become the metropolis of a new eastern empire, generations must elapse ere the naval forces of the Czar could menace our islands with the yoke of Muscovite despotism. But it required little reflection to cause grave solicitude for our Indian empire.

Vast

mountains and trackless deserts separate the Russian from the Anglo-Indian frontier; but those mountains and those deserts had not proved sufficient barriers to stay the Mogul irruption of earlier days. Could the Czar be deemed less potent than former Tartar sove

་་

reigns? Russian intrigue had been busy on the frontier-Russian gold had raised us up external enemies. Was there not danger that Russian machinations might penetrate to the very heart of our Asiatic possessions, and thus sap the foundations of our power? Had our rule been so beneficent, and our legislation so wise, that the defence of British Government might be entrusted to the hearts of the people?

These and similar reflections prevented the state of India from being even for one moment forgotten. Information with respect to the British empire in the east was sought on all sides; and the demand was met by a most overwhelming supply, in all forms, shapes, and sizes, from the reports of the committees of the two Houses a mass of printed paper weighing some stone and a-half

to the couple of sheets which constitute the brochures of the Indian Reform Association. Unfortunately one suffers here from the embarras des richesses, aggravated by the fact that, as well in the evidence taken by the committees, as in the various books and pamphlets, the East India Company and its system of government seem, in some sort, to be upon trial; and the different witnesses and authors take views as opposite as can well be conceived - some ranging themselves as supporters, but many more as opponents, of the present system; so that, on rising from their perusal, one is tempted to exclaim with old Demipho, "Incertior sum multo quam dudum."

Amongst the champions of the East India Company, the laurel must be awarded to Mr. Kaye. The iniqui

Defects, Civil and Military, of the Indian Government." By Lieutenant-General Sir C. J. Napier, G. C. B. Westerton: London.

1853.

"The Administration of the East India Company." By John William Kaye. Bentley: London. 1853.

"Memorials of Indian Government." Edited by John William Kaye. Bentley: London.

1853.

"First, Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth Reports of the Committee of the House of Commons upon Indian Territories." London. 1853.

"First, Second, and Third Reports of the Committee of the House of Lords upon Indian Territories." London. 1853.

"Administration of Justice in Southern India." By John Bruce Norton, Barrister at-law. Pharaoh and Co.: Madras. 1853.

"India Reform Pamphlets." Saunders and Stanford: London.

ties of native rule, and a keen perception of the blessings of European civilisation, have given a strong bias to his mind; and his writings, keeping out of sight the shortcomings and errors of those to whom our nation has hitherto entrusted the government of its eastern possessions, bring prominently to our notice the advantages conferred by British rule. He cannot be accused of intentional misstatement, seldom even of want of candour; but, with the exquisite tact of a skilful advocate, he diverts the mind from dwelling upon any parts of the subject save those benefits to the country and its inhabitants which chiefly occupy his own mind. He throws a rosy light over English dealings with our Asiatic brethren, and flatters national pride by contrasting our countrymen as rulers of a subject-province with the former sovereigns or viceroys of eastern race. His views are enunciated in language always graceful, often eloquent; and the statistics and reasoning which might weary many, are interspersed with life-like pictures of Indian incident, which make the book interest those who love not to keep the mind in too continued strain. His is a pleasant view of the various questions which arise. Few can resist the charms of flattery, and it is pleasant to hear that the wisdom, the power, and the goodness of our nation have proved unlimited, and that its rule brings blessings and blessings alone to its dependents. But it is more than doubtful whether the enjoyment thus afforded may not be too dearly purchased — whether, if we listen exclusively to praises, we may not be lulled into charmed sleep, and find at length that the government of India has passed from our hands.

Fortunately, the nation is not likely to be long permitted to remain in such a trance. In addition to the yelping herd, driven by demagogic envy to assail all existing institutions, voices of graver moment will rise against misgovernment, tyranny, and oppression, wherever they may exist, sometimes wrung out by strong sense of injustice suffered, sometimes the warning of farsighted and disinterested patriotism, sometimes the expression of sympathy with suffering humanity; and good men will brave the peril of being deemed calumniators, rather than keep silence when silence might perpetuate

remediable evils. Many motives concurred in inducing Sir Charles Napier to write the pages upon which his pen was employed when he was stricken by mortal disease. Those who knew him well, know that no human heart ever beat which sympathised more keenly with unmerited suffering. Could such a man see unmoved the yoke which we bind on the subjects of the States still cursed with native rulers, the miseries which errors and prejudices often inflict on the Oriental subjects of the British Crown, in spite of the unquestionably benevolent intentions of the home legislature? None saw so clearly as Sir Charles Napier, the dangers to which the Indian empire is exposed. His singularly sagacious mind, and the prescience which belongs to genius, had caused him to give warning after warning to the then Indian Government. But his words were unheeded, as though he were afflicted with the curse of Cassandra. Was he not bound to give the English people an opportunity of knowing the perils which encompass their possessions? A long course of underhand resistance to his most useful measures, followed by a contumelious rebuke for conduct which, in all human probability, saved India from a sepoy mutiny, forced this high-hearted old soldier to resign the command to which he had been called by the una nimous voice of the nation, when it believed our Indian empire to be in the extremity of peril. It was due to those who had so confided in him, no less than to himself, to show that he had not lightly relinquished his trust. All these reasons combined to produce what may be esteemed as a legacy to the country which he loved; and the warnings contained in the "Misgovernment of India" cannot have been uttered in vain.

We have in it what is, in fact, the complement of Mr. Kaye's bookeither would give but an imperfect idea of our true position; but Sir Charles Napier prevents us from tranquilly assuming that our government of the Indian peninsula is the best possible, and that all interference with the present system is a tempting of Providence; while the "Administration of India" encourages to further exertion; shows that the blood so freely spilt from Plassy to Goojerat has not been unfruitful, and completely extinguishes the wild idea that Hindoos

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