due to me to tell me that he "assumed whatever responsi bility" there would be for the postponement; and he believed that I would judge his act aright did I know all the facts.

I learned from other sources not long afterwards,—in fact from the regent who was most directly concerned,—of the real reason for the interruption of the vote which, it had been expected, would be unanimous for me. Because of this reason I soon came to feel that the president, all things considered, had acted for the best in making his request. He had recently been installed in office, and it was of special importance that the new administration of the University should, if possible, have the unanimous support of its governing Board.

My immediate wishes were, of course, seriously disappointed; but I knew, even in my disappointment, that personal gratification was of little moment compared with the larger welfare.

I tell this much of that Minnesota University incident, that my friends may know enough of it to understand that the considerations decisive in it had no relation whatever to my personal character, or to my fitness for the office I sought. Also I wish them to know that the opposition to my election, though citing the fact of my being a Unitarian minister as a threatened peril to the institution, was not primarily based upon that fact.

No object of sufficient worth now, however, would be gained by my going farther into an explication of the surprising and unwelcome experience. To the extent I have explained it here it will sufficiently inform my friends of what my directly personal relation to the course

of the events was: and there the story, so far as these Memories" have to do with it, may end.

After this action of the University's governing Board had been made public, of course, the supposititious peril of a sectarian agitation in case of my election, had not even a seeming reason for being. And so far as I was concerned individually I had no inclination to make even an intimation to the public of having "a grievance." In fact, I declined to join with some others who wished to begin a public "protest," over what had occurred. So it came about, that the whole matter was soon relieved of notice and came to nothing.

As would be expected, I was the recipient of a number of letters after the decision of the University authorities, about the filling of the chair of "Mental and Moral Science," had become known. Among then was one whose writer was under the impression that President Northrop had really been led to his decision by the threatened Orthodox religious opposition. This letter expresses so well what would have been the best judgment not only of personal friends but of the real friends of the University, if its supposition had been fact, that it will will bear quoting from. It refers to another letter from the president than that of which I have just spoken, and to something which the president had said of a possible sectarian agitation in connection with the University's affairs.

"I am glad" wrote my friend, "that you have the president's letter. If he should think seriously of the situation he might see a danger of the matter of denominational influence in a State university coming into general discussion throughout the State, with damaging effect upon the prospects of the institution.

There is too much liberal feeling in Minnesota to be ignored if it were roused into active expression. If the president would boldly take a stand he would find more support from the fair-minded Evangelical church members, who do not wish doctrinal teaching and from the liberal people, than all he would lose through-- -'s influence. It is a question which has to be settled sooner or later in this as in other States; and, certainly, the institutions that are free from denominational control, like Cornell and Ann Arbor, speak for themselves.

I hope that President-will not influence your president against the larger view. 1t the Regents are ready to support him heartily be ought not to be afraid to make the trial at least.

One man of marked ability, with a reputation beyond the State, would help the University more than a dozen ordinary professors; and the institution with the strongest faculty is bound to have the largest number of students in spite of all that narrow-minded men can do. As soon as the Chairs of the University of Minnesota are filled with first-class men, it will be safe from any assault that any cry of infidelity' can raise."

Notwithstanding President Northrop's decision, which was not a little embarrassing to me at the time, because of the publicity which had been given to my candidacy ; and the general supposition, among friends, that the formal election would be merely a formality, I had no inclination to blame, much less to antagonize him. Because of his letters, and also of what he said in a subsequent conversation, I accepted with friendliness his judgment, although, as I have said, some friends advised a public "protest." In fact, I sought rather to support President Northrop in his efforts to further the prosperity of the important charge which had been but recently entrusted to him and needed all support available.

c. Course of Lectures at the University of Minnesota.During the following winter of 1886-1887, I had the honor of being invited by the University administration to deliver at the University a course of lectures on "" 'The Fundamental Truths in Philosophy." The subjects I chose were,

1.-The Meaning and Value of the Study of Philosophy. 2.-Philosophy in the Present Age.

3.-Fundamental Data for Psychology.

4.-The Mind's Process in Thinking: Approach to Logic. 5.-Nature and Sources of Moral Obligation: Introduction to Ethics.

6.-Apprehension and Real Worth of the Principle of Philosophy.

These lecture were intended to be a sort of conspectus of the beginnings of the particular studies,-Psychology, Logic, Ethics, and Pure Philosophy,-which I should have had under my care had I been chosen to the professorship for which I had been a candidate.

In the preparation of these lectures I was, of course, dependent upon many years study of a large part of the vast literature devoted to the themes selected; but I gratefully acknowledge here, as a radically important factor in guiding the processes of my reasoning, the speculations of Karl Christian Friedrich Krause,-to whose profound speculations I have already offered tribute,-together with the elaboration of Krause's thought by some of his most capable expositors, particularly Professor H. Ahrens, of the Leipzig University, and Professor G. Tiberghien, of the University of Brussels.

I reproduce these lectures here, not only because I still believe that they embody essential and fundamental truths

of the highest value,-truths which are especially needed in association with the utilitarian thinking and work of the passing age,—but, immediately, because my friends may have some reliable record of the ultimate motives and methods which had become distinctive of my matured mental and spiritual development.

FUNDAMENTAL TRUTHS OF PHILOSOPHY

FIRST LECTURE

THE MEANING AND VALUE OF THE STUDY OF

PHILOSOPHY
I.

THE PHILOSOPHIC IDEAL.

There was a time when Man somehow became possessed of the belief that there is a Universe. How or when this belief was reached it is not necessary for us to try to learn. It is sufficient now simply to note the fact that, at some time, the human mind passed beyond its experiences and made the assumption that all things and events are related to one another as parts and wholes; as effects and causes; and that all are ultimately, in some way, One Whole. The history of human thought is in largest part a record of work done under the influence of this belief. The most energetic and persistent labor of which mind has been capable has been evoked by it. It has wrought specific results which, time and again, have dominated ages in the life of Mankind.

This intellectual enterprise, as a whole, has been named Philosophy. The ideal set forth in the transcendent assumption that there is a real Universe, I shall call the Philosophic Ideal.

The product of Philosophy in history has been manifold. It consists of a multitude of systems of thought differing from one another to a greater or less degree; some