Service School, Incorporated, 1606 Twentieth Street N. W., Washington, D. C. The fee for resident students-that is, those women who will stay in camp-is thirty dollars for the course of twenty days. There will be other expenses to cover traveling, uniforms, other supplies, etc.

There are to be two periods of encampment, one from April 16 to May 5, applications for which should be in by April 1; the other from May 7 to May 26, applications for which should be in by April 25. The resident students, girls and women, will live in tents properly and fully guarded, under careful supervision for the preservation of health, and under strict discipline, with women physicians, trained nurses, and a camp matron in residence.

Though this encampment is not-as the Plattsburg and Fort Terry training-camps are legally and officially recognized by the Government, the discipline, instruction, and general conduct of the camp will be practically the same as if it were a Governmental institution. The character of those in charge of the insures this.

camp

This is the second year in which such an encampment has been held. Last year it was held in May, and the opening exercises were attended by the President and by Cabinet officers and high officials in the army and navy and Marine Corps of the United States. Nearly a thousand students were trained last year. The enrollment for this year has already reached a thousand, and will undoubtedly far exceed that number. Indeed, so many enrollments have been received that we are under the impression that there are vacancies only for the second period (May 7 to May 26), and there is a possibility of a third camp being held.

"LA LIBRE BELGIQUE"

The Paris "Temps" informs us that the little Belgian newspaper called "La Libre Belgique" is still alive, and has celebrated the second anniversary of its existence. Its first number appeared in January, 1915. According to the "Temps," the offices of "La Libre Belgique are in an automobileto-day in one place and to-morrow in another, or at one particular hour in one place and at another hour in another-so that the Germans may not discover where the editors work. For two years the Germans have searched high and low to ascertain where the paper is printed, and have offered a reward of $10,000 for information which would disclose the names of the editors and publishers as well as the place of publication.

But their search has been in vain. Instead-and what must make the search specially exasperating every morning General von Bissing, the German Governor of Belgium, finds "La Libre Belgique" in his mail-at least so says the Milan "Corriere della Sera."

This is the only announcement we have seen that "La Libre Belgique" had been changed from a weekly to a daily. Certainly a daily iteration might deepen any impression of Belgium's condition as seen by Belgians which General von Bissing gets out of the journal; indeed, one issue published a portrait of this official shown as reading that paper. The caption recited that our dear Governor, disheartened by the lies in the censored journals, seeks the truth in 'La Libre Belgique'!"

66

A SCHOOL FOR WHITE WINGS

A school to teach New York's street-cleaners just how to wield the broom and scraper with the greatest possible efficiency is the latest educational institution of the metropolis. It has been established but a few months, yet already the results show that it serves a genuine need, as recruits who graduate from the White Wings College are better fitted for their task than men who have seen service in the streets for months. There are about three thousand sweepers in New York, twenty-eight hundred drivers, and a force of flushers, stablemen, and tractor drivers, besides a field force of officers numbering three hundred and fifty. All these men receive instruction in a class-room on the dock at Nineteenth Street and the East River, where Instructor J. J. Condon gives daily lectures and demonstrations. The hall is about forty feet long and contains all the equipment used in street-cleaning, including a dump cart and a life-size model of "Teddy," the prize-winning horse of the Department.

The wooden horse is furnished with a regulation harness, and new drivers are taught how to hitch and unhitch by experience on the model. As careless harnessing can lead to sore backs and crippled horses, this is an important part of the course. The drivers are taught how to care for their animals, detect signs of sickness, and apply the proper remedies. The sweepers learn that there is a right way and a wrong way to handle the broom, and that different pavements require different cleansing methods. In order to make this detail clear, the floor of the class-room is painted to represent a block-paved street, with intersection, manholes, cable slots and tracks, all reproduced. The flushers learn all about the use of the hose, reels, and hydrants, and it is remarkable that the apparently simple work of these men develops so many wrong ways and right ways. A photograph reproduced in our picture section illustrates one of these practical methods.

The tractor drivers who operate the huge machines in the "model district" receive a course in motor mechanics equal to that given in automobile schools, and a duplicate of one of the tractor motors is installed in the class-room for that purpose.

While the officers are supposed to have learned all that the school can teach, yet, as a matter of fact, many of them are not using scientific methods with their men, so the district superintendents and foremen assemble once in a while to learn the latest improved methods. Usually a class numbers about forty men, and the officers attend on certain days in groups of twenty-five.

Besides covering the practical, labor-saving details of streetcleaning, the school aims to develop pride and ambition among the men by teaching them to respect their work, realize its impor tance, and strive for promotion. The idea of doing their task thoroughly and with the least possible annoyance to the public or obstruction of traffic is emphasized. Altogether the school for White Wings is a decided advance over the former method of letting the men learn by their mistakes.

Ꭱ

RUSSIA, THE DEMOCRATIC

USSIA has vindicated the faith of her friends.

It has not been easy for lovers of freedom to keep on believing in Russia. It has been impossible for them to forget that she has been associated with such autocracies as Prus sia and Austria in hostility to the rise of democracy in Europe. It has been impossible for them to ignore her Black Hundreds. It has been impossible for them to regard with indifference her pogroms, her Siberian exile system, her police espionage and censorship, her corrupt officialdom, her war on Japan, her inefficiency in government, her despotism. And some of those who have known her most intimately have distrusted her most profoundly. The Swedes, her near neighbors, remembering Finland, have feared her encroachments. The Jews, remembering Kishinev, have hated her tyranny. The Poles, remembering their own history, have been intimidated by her power. And when the world war broke out and Russia was found on the side of France and England, some of those who had dis trusted her extended their distrust to include her allies. If this is, as has been claimed, a war between autocracy and democracy, how is it, they asked, that among those who are supposed to be fighting for democracy is to be found this land of the Czar?

Those, however, who believed that the real Russia was not the Russia of the bureaucracy and the Czar, but the Russia of the Russian people, held to their faith. Such as these believed that Russia was fighting side by side with the free peoples of France and England because that was where the real Russia belonged. And they were ready to give a reason for the faith that was in them.

This is their reason.

The real enemy of popular rights, of freedom, of civilization, is what we have come to know as Prussianism. This is not only the doctrine, but the system established on th doctrine, that might, power, force, is the end and aim of the state. As Mr. Brown in his article in this issue points out, Prussianism by a slow process of great efficiency established itself in Germany. It was this same Prussianism that created and built autocracy and bureaucracy of Russia. But while Prussianism was establishing itself in the hearts of the people of Germany,

up

the

it did not touch the Russian people, but in Russia established itself only in the seats of the mighty. That is why those who have believed in Russia have kept their faith-because they know that, however much the Russian people's bodies and property have been controlled by Prussianism, they have never let it touch their mind and soul.

While, therefore, the German people have been learning to admire the Prussian State and all that it stands for, and have been docile in obedience to its rule, their intellectual leaders themselves being Prussia's most faithful defenders and advocates, the Russian people have been inspired by that same Prussianism only to continual revolt.

Now the Russian people have thrown this Prussianism out from the seats of the mighty, and have placed there their hown natural democracy.

And with the overthrow of Prussianism in Russia there will come a new day not only for Russia, but for other peoples as well. By the Revolution of the Russian people Sweden has been delivered of her fears. She can now give free play to her natural instinct for liberty, by joining with her sister, Norway, in giving moral support to the Entente Allies.

The Jews and the Poles the world over need no longer fear lest a victory for the free peoples of France and England may lead to a disaster for those Jews and Poles within Russia who are seeking to be free.

The neutral nations of the earth will now find removed the only moral reason that could justify their neutrality between right and wrong.

The Balkan peoples, who have found in even the Russia of the Czars an emancipator, will need to fear no longer the Czar's despotism; but can welcome any victory for Russia as bringing promise of freedom for themselves.

The people of the United States, in particular, will find at this crisis, when they are on the brink of war with Germany, a new cause for thankfulness that circumstance, indeed their very destiny, is placing them side by side with the free peoples of Europe-the people of Italy, and France, and England, and now Russia.

And, finally, even Germany herself will find in this Revolution of the Russian people not only retribution for her sins, but also possibly the gift of liberty for her people. The French Revolution, in spite of its excesses and the consequent reaction in France, was followed by the emancipation of neighboring peoples. It is not too much to hope, and even to expect, that the Russian Revolution may help to emancipate those peoples that now remain under the rule of the Prussian-the peoples of Germany and Austria.

STAND BY THE SUPREME COURT

We hear a good deal in these days of the duty of "standing by the President." It is also the duty of loyal Americans to stand by the Supreme Court. For the Supreme Court is even more, perhaps, than the President one of the great bulwarks of our National life and civilization. Indeed, its character and authority are so conclusively recognized that the American people do stand behind it in a very striking fashion.

In 1894 the majority of the American people wanted an income tax. The law was passed and put into operation, when the Supreme Court, by a majority of five to four, after one of the justices had reversed his decision, declared the law unconstitutional. The supporters of the tax accepted the decision without a murmur, and, after a campaign of education which lasted for nearly twenty-five years, amended the Constitution in that respect which the decision of the Court suggested so that the income law would be constitutional.

The power of the Supreme Court and its moral authority over the people of the United States has just been exemplified again in the decision on the Adamson Law. A brief review of the controversy which has resulted in this far-reaching decision is of interest.

decreased hours of labor were complied with. The day of the strike was set. It was generally believed that, if carried out, it would involve the country, not only in Nation-wide social and economic disaster, but probably in bloodshed, and possibly in a kind of civil war. President Wilson endeavored to avert the strike by bringing the employees and the managers together. His efforts failed because the workmen declined either to yield any point of their demands or to submit the demands to arbitration. The President thereupon carried the matter to Congress, and Congress passed a law, known as the Adamson Law, making eight hours instead of ten hours the standard of pay and work. Under this law switchmen, yardmen, and all employees with fixed places of labor would work eight hours. Trainmen who do their work traveling would be paid at the same rate for eight hours as they had formerly been paid for ten hours. A test case was immediately brought by the railways into the lower courts. The Adamson Law was there decided to be unconstitutional and was carried to the Supreme Court. The organized railway workmen became restive under the delay. They again threatened to strike on March 17 if on that day no agreement had been reached. The President again intervened and appealed both to the men and to the managers to settle their differences on the ground that the country was facing the danger of war and that a universal railway strike would enormously complicate that danger. Another board of mediation endeavored to settle the difficulties. Secretary Lane, of the Department of the Interior, who was formerly a member of the Inter-State Commerce Commission, and is an expert on railway affairs, was a member of the mediation board. When March 17 approached, the organized workmen extended the time for an agreement fortyeight hours; and on the night of the 17th, or rather in the early morning hours of the 18th, a decision was reached because the managers agreed to adopt the eight-hour standard. The only concession of the men was to accept "time and one-eighth instead of "time and one-half" overtime; that is to say, the man who is paid forty cents an hour would receive forty-five cents an hour instead of sixty cents an hour for overtime.

A few hours after the controversy had thus been settled by mutual agreement the Supreme Court handed down its decision, on March 19. Five justices upheld the constitutionality of the Adamson Law and four justices dissented. Chief Justice White and Justices McKenna, Holmes, Brandeis, and Clark were in the majority, and Justices Day, Pitney, Van Devanter, and McReynolds were in the minority. The majority opinion was presented by Chief Justice White. Reviewing the course of legislation and legal decisions, he held that Congress had full power to regulate inter-State commerce in all its phases, and that to take away the right of Congress to fix wages and conditions of labor would be to reduce to "derision" the clearly established power. He waved aside as not having even been presented the argument that the decision would result in confiscation of property without due process of law.

In considering the decision of the Supreme Court two things should be borne in mind. The first is that the judges who uphold the law express by their action no opinion regarding its wisdom. It was their duty to say whether Congress had a right to pass the law, not whether it was socially or economically wise for Congress to do so. Nevertheless, the psychological effect of the decision will be to impress the country with the belief that both the President and Congress pursued a wise course when a universal strike was threatened in September.

The second thing is that the decision greatly strengthens the principle of Government regulation. Public utilities of all sorts are not private property; they are semi-public property. Those who believe, as we do, that it will be wise to preserve in public utilities the element of private property, and thus the incentive to private profit, must support all efforts to maintain successfully the policy of Government regulation. Otherwise we shall inevitably have public ownership and operation of all public utilities.

If the workmen and the managers of American railways want Government ownership and operation, the best way they can accomplish it is to make a failure of Government regulation of private agreements. If they want to preserve their private rights, the best thing they can do is to make a success of the present semi-private relationships under Government control.

W

THEN river ice breaks up in the spring, it breaks suddenly. But the break comes only after a process of thawing, which may have been unnoticed by the casual observer of the flat upper surface. When people say that the Russian revolution came unexpectedly, they indicate that they have ignored the long undermining which gradually_melted away the supports of the autocracy, so that when the Russian people struck they struck an empty shell.

Persons who are familiar with Russia have known since the beginning of this war that a revolution might come any day, and come with a suddenness characteristic of many movements in Russia. A comparison of the most stupendous event since the French Revolution with that revolution is interesting. There was much similarity in the superficial causes of the great French upheaval of 1789 and the revolt of the Russian people. The failure of the harvest of 1788 in France and the severe winter that followed caused poignant suffering and much smoldering antagonism for the existing political order. In Russia the scarcity of food brought about the great popular demonstrations which were the premonitory signs of the revolt. But in France just before the Revolution the Government was openly despised, its power flouted. In Russia, however, so far as surface indications to the outside world went, up to the time that men of the first Cossack regiment joined with the people they had been ordered to shoot on the Nevsky Prospect the Russian autocracy seemed almost as formidable as ever.

There were, to repeat, few indications of impending revolt in Russia to any but the most acute observers on the outside. Some suspicion might have been aroused by the bread riots in Petrograd the week before the revolution, but such occurrences are nothing new in Russia, and even in Petrograd on the morning of a day now never to be forgotten, Sunday, March 11, very few persons noticed any real revolutionary spirit in the crowds of people who taunted the police in the streets and goodnaturedly cheered the Cossacks who had been ordered to disperse the crowds.

General Khabaloff's order to the police and soldiers to shoot in order to disperse crowds, which was posted on Saturday,

March 10, smacked strongly of provocation, yet when the Cos sacks refused to use their rifles and later when they fired noth ing more deadly than blank cartridges from their machine guns the revolution still seemed a make-believe revolution. Not until the regiment of soldiers, ordered to shoot into a crowd of hungry civilians, mutinied and after shooting their own officers made common cause with the people did it seem prob able that Russia's new birth was imminent.

In short, the world had little advance notice that a revolution was to come at this time, but had every reason to be sure that a revolution would come sooner or later unless the unexpected should happen and the Government should yield voluntarily. The anger of the people at the shortage of ammunition, which was caused by inefficiency and corruption in the Government, gradually grew when Russia was hampered again and again by this deficiency. The removal of Grand Duke Nicholas as Commander-in-Chief of the Russian armies, the arrogant treatment of the Duma by the Czar and his reactionary Ministers, and the appointment of such pro-Germans as Stürmer and Galitzin to the position of Premier, all goaded the people into a state of frenzy from which there could be only one outlet. Most of all were they aroused by the dawning belief that the lack of munitions, the removal of the Grand Duke Nicholas, the appointment of incapable and treacherous officials, were all parts of a pro-German propaganda headed, it seemed to many, by their Empress, and certainly by the notorious degenerate Ras putin, whose assassination recently should have warned the Government, if anything could have warned it.

Never did so great a revolution gain headway so rapidly. Regiment after regiment joined the people and fought with them against the few regiments which remained loyal and against the hated Petrograd police. By Monday morning, March 12, the situation in Petrograd was far beyond the control of the Government. A few hours later the revolution was virtually won and the Duma, in defiance of the Czar's ukase proroguing it, continued in session and telegraphed the Czar: The hour has struck. The will of the people must prevail." Michael Rodzianko, the President of the Duma, had

previously twice telegraphed the Czar urging him to avert disaster by giving the people a Ministry which they could trust. General Alexis Brusiloff, Commander-in-Chief on the southwestern front, and General Nicholas Ruzsky, Commander of the northern armies, had both sent similar messages to the Czar at the request of the Duma. Perhaps but for his fatal characteristic of never yielding anything until too late, the Czar might have saved his crown by eleventh-hour concessions. Instead, by the time he reached Petrograd or its environs abdication was the only course that remained open. In his foolish stubbornness Nicholas II was like Louis XVI in 1789 and George III in 1776. Though the Czar abdicated in favor of his brother the Grand Duke Michael as Regent, the Grand Duke had no illusions as to his own position and hastened to announce that he would rule only if his selection as monarch were to be confirmed by a vote of the people.

The spark that was ignited in Petrograd carried a flaming enthusiasm for liberty and a new government over all Russia. In Moscow Cossacks who attempted to ride down the people in the celebrated Red Square beneath the gray old walls of the Kremlin leaped off their horses and joined in the huzzahs for the new Government when their intended victims shouted the news of the coup d'état in Petrograd.

In Moscow; it is said, the revolution cost only four lives; and even in Petrograd, where the bloodshed was greatest, the casualties were evidently surprisingly few. By the evening of March 12 the last supporters of the Czar in the capital were holding out in two small groups, one firing from behind barricades around the yellow Admiralty buildings overlooking the Neva, the other sniping stubbornly from the windows and roof of the Astoria Hotel at the revolutionaries, who sent back a hotter fire from such scant cover as could be found in the square south of St. Isaac's Cathedral. Later that evening, when the revolutionaries broke into the Astoria Hotel, which has been considered a hotbed of pro-German intrigue since the beginning of the war, the last organized resistance of the loyalists was broken. For two days more there was sniping. But at the outside the resistance to the revolution in Petrograd lasted not more than four days. Long before that time had expired the streets were filled with civilians and soldiers flaunting the red flag of the French Revolution and singing the "Marseillaise."

With a few exceptions, the army and navy of Russia stood loyal to the revolution from the first outbreak. The Executive Committee of the Duma, which practically became the Provisional Government of Russia when the Czar abdicated, restored order and began at once the work of adjustment with a force and comprehension that would have done credit to any government.

Sharing the power of government with this Committee is the new Cabinet, which is made up as follows: Premier, President of the Council, and Minister of the Interior, Prince George Lvoff; Foreign Minister, Professor Paul Milyukov; Minister of Public Instruction, Professor Manuilloff; Minister of War, and Minister of Navy, ad interim, A. J. Guchkoff; Minister of Agriculture, M. Shingáref; Minister of Finance, M. Tereshchenko; Minister of Justice, Deputy Kerenski, of Saratov; Minister of Communications, N. V. Nekrasoff; VicePresident of the Duma, Comptroller of State, M. Godneff; Minister of Trade and Commerce, A. I. Konovaloff; Procurator-General of the Holy Synod, M. Lvoff.

Apparently this Provisional Government as created by the Duma will rule Russia until the people through equal and universal suffrage choose a constituent assembly to determine the form of the new government.

One of the first acts of the Provisional Government was to pledge Russia's allegiance to the cause of the Allies and her unswerving determination to prosecute the war against Germany to a finish. In the meanwhile the late Czar, whom some despatches facetiously refer to as Mr. Nicholas Romanoff, has gone to his personal estates at Livadia, in the Crimea. The Empress apparently is still in or near Petrograd with her children, two of whom were ill when the outbreak came. It is significant that the Russian people seem to hold no personal grievance against their late autocrat, whereas enmity toward the Empress is common. But this is only a continuation of the situation which has existed since the beginning of the war, the

Empress, who was a Princess of Hesse, being disliked as the supposed head of the ring which included Rasputin, ex-Premier Stürmer, and Protopopoff, who have been trying to betray Russia into a separate peace with Germany. The people seem to believe that the Czar, although both a weakling and a tyrant, is, after all, a Russian.

In conclusion, it remains to sum up the three outstanding characteristics of the Russian revolution as they appear to us:

First, as Mr. Kennan elsewhere points out, its apparent suddenness and its comparative peacefulness. The world may never know, certainly does not yet know, the whole inside story of the Russian revolution. There seems good evidence, however, to support the theory that there was not a widespread plan for the Russians to revolt when they did. There is a good deal of evidence indicating that even the members of the Duma and the three great popular leaders of the revolution, Rodzianko, Milyukov, and Lvoff, were surprised by the tremendous support which they found in the army. But the tighter the dam, the more complete its restraint of the waters within, the more abrupt and explosive is its bursting.

The second great feature of the revolution, which Mr. Kennan also refers to, is that it was won wholly and solely by the Russian people. It could not have succeeded without the help of the army, but the army of Russia to-day is an army of the people. The autocracy was destroyed by the very weapon which it built to keep the people in restraint. Not only was this a revolution of the people, however, but it seems to have been peculiarly a revolution of the Russian people in the narrow sense of the word. In America we have often heard of the grievances of the Poles, Jews, Armenians, Finns, and other racial groups within the Russian Empire. Espousers of the cause of these submerged nationalities have often said in America that the people that they represented had no hope of aid from the really Russian masses. But it is the millions of true Muscovites who have thrown off the oppressive yoke, and it is for the Poles, Finns, Jews, and Armenians now to admit that they have underestimated the power of the Russian masses. Such mistakes are easy in a land of contradictions so marked that even a Russian poet sings: "And poor And abundant And mighty

And impotent

Art thou,. O our mother Russia!"

Finally, as to the third predominant feature of Russia's new birth, a feature in which the outside world is especially interested, that is this:

The war made this revolution possible.

The war taught the Russian people their own strength. United from the outset in the determination to beat Germany, because they realized that a war against Germany was a war against their own oppressive Government, the Russian people have gradually come to know one after another of their own powers as they have been forced to take over the management of the war through their provincial assemblies and co-operative societies as the inefficient and corrupt Government has dropped the burden. Without a long war like this, which has killed off the old professional army that was loyal to the bureaucracy, Russia never would have had an army of the people to side with the people in a national crisis.

We may be sure that the Russian people know what this war has done for them, and that they know what they must yet do in this war. A year ago-in fact, only recently-the Russian people were saying, "We have two wars on our hands, an outside war and an inside war. But we must vanquish the external enemy before we turn on the foe within. Beat Germany first." Only the stupid arrogance of the Russian Government brought it to pass that the Russian people did not "beat Germany first;" but now that they have reversed their task and conquered the internal foe, we may be sure that they will return to the other half of their labors with renewed confidence and vigor.

The preparations which the Russian people made toward the end of victory over Germany taught them their own strength, and were, in fact, measures which made the success of the revolution possible. There may not have been much plot behind this revolution, but certainly there was much preparation.