LEVEN years ago this famous boulevard,

five miles long and sixty feet wide, received a single surface treatment with "Tarvia-A."

The road-bed was excellent and in fine condi

"Tarvia-X" is a dense, viscid, coal-tar preparation, which is applied hot. It has great binding power. It encloses the stone in a tough

matrix and makes the road dustless and auto

and well done.

roads.

"Tarvia-A," applied hot, is for protecting macadam and concrete roads from heavy traffic and making them dustless and proof against water and attrition.

"Tarvia-B" is applied cold. It enters the road crust and cements it together, preserving the road surface and preventing dust. Illustrated booklets on request. Address nearest office.

Special Service Department

In order to bring the facts before taxpayers as well as road authorities, The Barrett Company has organized a Special Service Department, which keeps up to the minute on all road problems. If you will write to nearest office regarding road conditions or problems in your vicinity the matter will have the prompt attention of experienced engineers. This service is free for the asking. If you want better roads and lower taxes, this Department can greatly assist you.

New York Chicago Philadelphia Boston St. Louis

Company

Cleveland Cincinnati Pittsburgh

Vancouver

St. John, N. B.

Sydney, N. S.

MARK

THE NEW RUSSIA

The Duma, the people, and the army in Russia are united in upholding steadily and firmly the new order of things. The two weeks following the abdication of the Czar have been marked by quiet and orderly proceedings. The Czar himself, with his family and some of his former courtiers, is a prisoner in his palace at Tsarkoe-Selo. To a newspaper correspondent the captain of the guard placed in the palace by the Duma's Central Committee thus picturesquely described the fallen Czar:

He is in perfectly good health and in fairly good spirits. When he is with his own entourage, he has fits of crying. He is no longer allowed in the park, but twice daily, from eleven to three o'clock, he is permitted to walk for recreation in the railed garden between the east and west wings of the palace. He is requested to converse only in Russian when in the presence of soldiers.

The former Emperor's chief occupation is shoveling snow in the garden, which he enjoys greatly. He shows a boyish interest in what is said and written of him. He does not resent abuse. At present he is chiefly desirous of receiving foreign newspapers, which are virtually unobtainable.

Turning from the pen-picture of one who now seems insignificant and almost childish to the serious conduct of affairs in Russia, we find reassuring evidence of a sense of responsibility. The proclamations to the people from the Central Committee enjoin calmness and obedience to authority, frown upon lawlessness and bloodshed, and promise social and industrial committees that their claims shall have due attention. "In your hands," says one of these manifestoes to the people, "lies the fate of national liberty."

Above all is urged union in fighting the foreign foe. The new Minister of War declares plainly: "The enemy is menacing the capital from two directions First, he is concentrating continually on our northern front great quantities of munitions, supplies, and men. Second, he is concentrating his spies in Petrograd. Steps against the latter are an immediate necessity." Everywhere the response has been unanimous. The new Russia is preparing to fight to the end in unison with her allies and for the perpetuation of the self-government gained by the Revolution.

RUSSIAN FREEDOM

The revolution in Russia and the establishment of constitutional government in that great country have naturally aroused much enthusiasm among lovers of liberty in the United States. To celebrate this great event in the progress of democracy meetings have already been held in various places throughout the country. Notable mass-meetings in New York City, for example, have expressed the sympathy of the American democracy with Russia. An old-established society, the Friends of Russian Freedom, held such a meeting in Carnegie Hall on Friday, March 23.

On Sunday night, March 25, a group of Russians and Americans gathered in the Manhattan Opera-House of New York to formulate and testify American congratulations to the new Government of Russia, which has now been officially recognized by the Government of the United States. Mr. Sakhnovsky, Chairman of the Zemstvo Commission in New York, was temporary chairman; Judge Alton B. Parker, former candidate for Presider of the United States, was permanent chairman; and addresses were made by Joseph H. Choate, George Kennan, Professor Douglas W. Johnson, of Columbia University, the Hon. Martin Littleton, and Lawrence F. Abbott, of The Outlook.

Not the least interesting feature of the meeting was the music of a Russian balalaika orchestra, which, dressed in characteristic Russian costume, played some of the beautiful folk-songs and effective national music of Russia.

The sentiment of all the speakers was that the achievement of free government in Russia is not only a blessing for the Russian people, but for all liberals throughout the world. It is the duty of every genuine democracy to do everything that can be done to aid the new liberal Government of Russia in maintaining itself. Sympathetic meetings in this country are especially appropriate. They can be made the occasion not merely of expressing friendship for free Russia, but for reaffirming American faith in and loyalty to the great fundamental doctrine of the Declaration of Independence, which declares that—

We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles and organizing its power in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.

While this Declaration was made binding upon thirteen colonies which a century ago were separated practically from the rest of the world, the nations of the world to-day are so united by commerce, transportation, and social contact that they have a right to declare the same principle to be binding on the governments of the family of nations.

THE WITHDRAWAL FROM BELGIUM

What this country has withdrawn from Belgium, under the pressure of German threats and interference, is American supervision of relief work, not American sympathy and help. Mr. Hoover's memorable words will find an echo in every American heart: "The world cannot stand by and witness the starvation of the Belgian people and the Belgian children; God still reigns, and other people must carry on the work. The obligation of the American people toward Belgium continues. It is an obligation toward humanity, and is far greater than the obligation of the rich toward the poor."

In withdrawing from Brussels the American Minister to Belgium, Mr. Brand Whitlock, who has worked tirelessly and tactfully for Belgian relief, our State Department instructed him to arrange for the retiral of the American members of the Commission for Relief. Their work will be transferred to Dutch delegates who have long been trained for just such an emergency. The situation had simply become intolerable, and not all the patience and long endurance of Mr. Whitlock and his associates could avail in the face of Germany's "disregard of its written undertaking" and its deliberate sinking of relief ships-a "flagrant violation of solemn engagements.' "Our State Department thus justly characterizes the conduct of Germany, and points out that only desire to see ten million people fed has induced our Government to submit so far to the wrongful restrictions imposed, and to the petty persecution of Mr. Whitlock, extending even to a refusal to allow him to communicate with his own Government.

Meanwhile relief ships are being held up in Great Britain because of the fist refusal of Germany to give them permission to pass through the prohibited zone, or to spare them at all unless Great Britain complies with Germany's demand to give

information as to their course, which would be of value to Germany in her submarine campaign. Equally shameful is the refusal of Turkey, under the admitted order of Germany, to refuse two American naval ships loaded with Red Cross supplies for the starving Armenians to proceed to Beirût from Alexandria, where they have been detained under threat for many months.

In the history of Germany's lawlessness and heartlessness in this war its treatment of America's relief to starving civilians will form not the least shameful chapter.

THE ALLIES AND THE NEW GERMAN LINE

The retiral of the German forces in the Somme sector has been followed up with rapidity and dash by both British and French armies. The positions taken and the villages and strategic points occupied have been far in advance of what had been expected by most students of the situation. It was even questioned last week whether the real line chosen by the Germans for permanent defense may not be farther east than had been supposed. The so-called Hindenburg line, which has been accepted as the probable line of defense, runs in a general southerly direction from Arras to St. Quentin, La Fère, and Laon, and this line corresponds approximately with a north-and-south railway system. St. Quentin is the center, both geographically and as regards roads and railways, of this line. Now the Allies have so closely approached St. Quentin and have so occupied commanding positions near La Fère that it is at least possible that we may soon hear that these places have been abandoned. If this takes place, the Germans obviously must move farther east and take up a position along the next north-and-south railway system, which centers at Ribemont, seventeen miles northeast of Laon. Certainly the reports for the week ending March 28 are most encouraging for those who hope that General Haig and General Nivelle are doing something more important and more vital than merely following a German retreat.

Discussion continues as to the general effect of the retiral of German forces on the whole war. One theory is that the Germans believe that the Allies are now so deeply engaged in this movement that any plan for a big offensive drive elsewhere on the western line will become impossible for them. Another theory is that Germany is simply shortening her line on the west and that her most probable move this spring or early summer will be an attack on the Russian line at the north, in the Riga section. The official statement from Petrograd that the Germans have vast quantities of munitions and troops ready for action in this region is significant. Still another theory is that Germany is planning a fierce attack on Italy.

THE SUBMARINE WAR

The arrival last week of the American Line passenger steamship St. Louis in an unnamed English port is a source of congratulation, not merely because she successfully braved the dangers of the forbidden zone, but because the world sees in this voyage the first evidence that the United States is protecting American ships in their lawful passage through the high seas. The St. Louis carried guns fore and aft, and they were manned by an armed guard furnished by our Navy Department.

The latest information about Germany's ruthless campaign against merchant ships is found in the statement by Lord Charles Beresford, the famous English Admiral, in the British House of Lords on March 27. Up to that date, he said, the losses of merchant vessels in March amounted to about 420,000 tons. He put the losses for February at about 500,000 tons; the number of vessels lost in February was 281, as compared with 255 for March up to the date above given; March thus shows a daily average of about ten per cent less than February.

It is a good illustration of the calmness with which Great Britain is recognizing and facing the seriousness of this campaign that Lord Charles Beresford added to his report his opinion, as recorded in the cable despatches, that "captures of submarines by the British were not at all equivalent to the new submarines the Germans were launching." He even added that, in his judgment, the Foreign Office was exercising too much power over the navy, his inference apparently being that the

naval authorities should be given greater freedom of action in the campaign.

A striking example of the extent to which Germany is carrying its piratical and atrocious methods of submarine warfare is seen in the official report from London as to the loss of the British hospital ship Asturias, sunk without warning on the night of March 20, although brightly illuminated with Red Cross signs. Between thirty and forty lives were lost, and some of the survivors, including wounded men, died after they were landed. The English press calls for reprisals in return for this barbarity, in accordance with the declaration issued by the British Foreign Office in January.

PREPARING FOR WAR

Awaiting the action of Congress which shall follow the Message of the President, the Government and the country have continued to take important steps for National defense in the line of the plans reported last week. The President has called out for public service regiments of the National Guard in thirtytwo States; it is estimated that the total number of men called out or retained (instead of being sent home from the Mexican service as had been expected) is about fifty-two thousand. The response to this call has been prompt and full, and the experi ence gained in mobilization in the Mexican campaign has been of great service. Just what disposition will be made of these regiments is not announced, but presumably it will be primarily to guard Government property, bridges, and other points of danger, and, if necessary, to repress acts of violence. Activity is evident in naval matters. The President has ordered that the enlisted strength of the navy be brought up as rapidly as possible to its maximum-not far from ninetythree thousand men (87,000 plus 6,000 apprentice seamen). This would mean an increase of approximately fifteen thousand. Recruiting is going on vigorously for bluejackets and marines. The emphasis placed on naval preparation is significant. Perhaps the most immediate war need is for naval strength in order to protect our coasts, and in order also, it is to be hoped, to undertake our share of the work of keeping the highroads of the sea open to neutral commerce by putting down the unlawful and dangerous submarine attacks.

Among the new governmental actions in view of possible war has been the creation of two new army departments. Here after there will be six instead of four; the transfer of MajorGeneral Leonard Wood from the Department of the East to the Department of the Southeast has occasioned general sur prise and has called out serious criticism. He is replaced in the Eastern Department by Major-General Franklin Bell.

Home Defense Leagues are being formed all over the country in small towns as well as in cities, and they will afford an efficient protection to life and property locally if need be. With this has gone on a quite remarkably extensive Red Cross local organization

MR. TAFT'S ATLANTA SPEECH

On Friday, March 24, Atlanta, Georgia, had an oppor tunity to express in a very public fashion its attitude towards preparedness, the German menace, and the relation of the United States to the world war.

The occasion was the great mass-meeting of citizens gathered in Atlanta's largest assembly hall to hear ex-President Taft speak upon the subject of the League to Enforce Peace. The Atlanta" Constitution" said of this gathering:

"No such audience has been gathered in the Auditorium to hear a public man speak for years."

The chief subject of Mr. Taft's able address was the League to Enforce Peace, but his discussion of the history of the past two years and of the immediate duty of the United States to aid the Allies afforded Atlanta her best opportunity to put herself on record. Any one who sat in the audience at the Auditorium can have no doubt as to how that record reads.

Here is one statement of Mr. Taft's which was greeted with prolonged applause: "If a commercial vessel of the United States, armed in advance by the President, meets a submarine, it ought to sink it on the spot without warning. To wait is like

waiting for a coroner's inquest when a man points a pistol at

you.

Mr. Taft recognized the fact that we were in everything but name already at war with Germany; and so, by its approval of the following statement, did his audience:

"We have declared war against the greatest military nation in the world, and we must be prepared for the greatest strain in doing our part. When we find three or more nations struggling with a common enemy of ours, it is but common sense that we should unite with those nations."

Mr. Taft's declaration in favor of universal compulsory training and service, his statement that we should no longer be bound by Washington's outgrown dictum to avoid entangling alliances, and his outspoken belief that the "obligation of the United States is to protect our citizens at home and on the high seas, and the President's oath of office requires him to do this," supplied Atlanta's citizens with still other opportunities to manifest their belief that war with Germany offers to the United States the only true path to future safety and present honor. Mr. Taft was introduced to the citizens of Atlanta by Governor Harris, of Georgia, and both houses of the State Legislature attended in a body.

LEST WE FORGET

In his speech at the Madison Square Garden meeting in New York, reported elsewhere, Elihu Root said: "We are able to hold this peaceful meeting-with a few weak explosions-and why? Because we are protected by the navies and armies of the Allies." This undeniable fact would not be even questioned if those armies and those navies were near our borders. The fact that they are far away and are keeping the Germans far away tends to make us forget.

We here print a novel and striking form of reminder. It is a paster attached to an envelope that has come to our hand. The envelope with its inclosure was mailed in Italy, and the back, with its paster and its stamps, is herewith reproduced:

ceptance of the gift it was within a few hundred dollars of that amount), the annual income from it is to be offered "to a French youth (or youths, in the event of the growth of the fund to such an amount that the income thereof would justify such action) for study in one department or another of Harvard University." The contributors suggest that "the incumbents from year to year be nominated by a Committee of French Scholars, formed from those who are or have been French exchange professors at Harvard, and that to them be added ex officio the President for the time being of the Autour du Monde Club in Paris, such committee to present annually its recommendation of the candidate to whom, on approval by the Corporation or appropriate committee, the Fellowship shall be awarded."

The man to whom this fellowship is a memorial, Victor Emanuel Chapman, of New York, an alumnus of Harvard of the class of 1913, was a student in the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris when the war broke out. After joining the Foreign Legion he was transferred to the Flying Corps of the French army. He was one of the first Americans to fall in the cause of France. As we reported at the time, he was killed last June in a combat with German aircraft over Verdun. His character and his record have combined to single him out as a type of devoted American who is ready to count all things but loss for the sake of a righteous cause.

The contributors to this fellowship hope that it "may stimulate similar foundations at Harvard and at other American universities and colleges.'

AMERICANS WHO HAVE DIED FOR LIBERTY

In an introduction to an article on the "American Ambulance in France" which appeared in this journal's issue of September 15, 1915, Mr. Roosevelt referred to the author, James R. McConnell, as one of those young Americans who had been engaged in the field work of this Association "with a devotion and courage which have commanded glowing tributes of gratitude and admiration from French officers." Later James McConnell joined the Lafayette escadrille of the French aviation corps and for his excellent and daring service was made a sergeant. A few days ago came from Paris the news that he had died in an air battle with two German war planes.

Sergeant-Pilot McConnell was an American of the fine Southern type, a graduate of the University of Virginia, a promising business man, and a son of Judge S. P. McConnell, a railway president. A volume from his pen entitled "Flying for France has just appeared. He entered this war to give relief to the wounded, later to fight for France, not as an adventurer or for lack of other things to do, but because he was a patriot in the large sense and because he wanted to help to give American aid and sympathy to the cause of right and justice. His name belongs with that of Victor Chapman and other young Americans who have fallen abroad in fighting against the wanton spirit of conquest and cruelty.

Two other young Americans have recently died in the cause of liberty. One was Henry Suckley, a graduate of Harvard of the class of 1910, who was cited for gallantry as an ambulance driver on the western front, obtained the Croix de Guerre, was appointed to the command of twenty-five ambulances in recognition of his effective service, and finally was sent to Salonika with other expert drivers. He lost his life in a bomb attack on March 25 while driving wounded soldiers from the front to the base hospital near Salonika.

The other young man whose death is a loss to the Allied cause, but a gain to the roll of American heroes, is Robert Warren, son of President Warren, of Yankton College, who died from tuberculosis induced by exposure. He had been an Oxford Rhodes Scholar. He was with the American Ambulance. He received before his death the Medal of Devotion-the highest honor France bestows upon any one not actually engaged in fighting.

Such are the men who are dying for their faith in democracy and freedom.

WHAT CHILDREN CAN DO IN WAR TIME

No feature of war is so ominous as famine. We see that patently enough to-day in the various warring countries. If

our truck-gardeners and farmers have strained their energies to produce to the limit, we must fall back upon other producersour children. How may American children help America to be prepared for war? By utilizing existing agencies-our home garden, school garden, and vacant lot associations. One of their benefactors recently made a timely suggestion that this year children should be encouraged to plant no flowers, but vege tables only, in their gardens. To show them and their elders what might be done, Mr. Charles Lathrop Pack, President of the American Forestry Association, together with ex-President Eliot of Harvard, President Hibben of Princeton, Mr. Luther Burbank, the eminent California naturalist, the Hon. James Wilson, ex-Secretary of Agriculture, Mr. Carl Vrooman, Assistant Secretary of Agriculture, Mr. A. W. Shaw, editor of "System," Captain J. B. White; of the United States Shipping Board, Mr. John Hays Hammond, Mr. Emerson MacMillan, and others, organized a National Emergency Food Garden Commission. These economists see the reserves of fertility in the back yards and vacant lots of our cities and towns, and they see the labor power in the" idle hour " of men and women, but especially of children. They would bring together these two resources. They would intensify vegetable planting by using existing machinery in a large way, and by greater publicity, co-ordination, and consequent efficiency.

Most of the six million boys and girls in this country between the ages of nine and sixteen would seem to have time enough for home gardening, according to Dr. Claxton, United States Commissioner of Education, while for at least two-thirds of these children, he says, there is access to back yards, side yards, front yards, and vacant lots, which might be cultivated as small gardens for the growth of vegetables and small fruits.

Consider what the children, with some intelligent direction, might produce in vegetables and fruits, not only for their own tables, but also for selling in their immediate neighborhoods. Such a Nation-wide effort, thoroughly. carried out, might add from $250,000,000 to $500,000,000 to the food value of this season's crop.

Of course, as Dr. Claxton adds, certain physical and moral advantages are also evident-new health and strength for the children, and a greater removal from the temptations of the street. There would also be, we would add, a greater appreciation and knowledge of nature, and-what is of special value just now a keener sense of responsibility to the Nation during a time of crisis.

VOLUNTARY DEFENDERS

New York City is preparing to follow the example set by Los Angeles in California and by Portland in Oregon in providing legal defenders for persons accused of crime who are not able to pay fees to lawyers retained by themselves. We have already commended cordially this movement, and it may be added that the conditions in New York City make such a plan peculiarly desirable in the metropolis. A committee known as the Voluntary Defenders' Committee has now been fully organized in New York and will begin actual work at once. It has engaged two lawyers of experience in criminal litigation and of high standing in the profession. The plan is approved by several judges. It is more than an experiment, because the result of the system in the Far West has proved its efficiency.

To one who has not thought of the subject the question at once suggests itself: Why is not the plan of having lawyers for criminal defense assigned by judges satisfactory? Over fifteen hundred such assignments were made by the New York judges of the courts of General Sessions last year. No doubt a large proportion were good appointments, yet the system is defective. The Court finds it hard to secure a lawyer of real ability for an ordinary criminal case ;. few such lawyers are likely to be in the court-room at the time; lawyers devoted to civil practice rarely have the experience needed; the probation officer, who is supposed to gather evidence for the lawyer assigned, is not often the right person for that purpose, while under the new system trained investigators are available. Finally, what actually hap pens too often is that the assignment is made to one of a small group of lawyers who haunt the courts to get this kind of assignment; many of them are "shysters," ignorant or corrupt.

One assigned lawyer thus appealed to the jury: "This man has no lawyer. I am only assigned counsel. I get no pay. My only reward is in heaven, and how can I ever get there?"

The poor man, and especially the poor young man charged with a first offense, for the community's sake as well as for his own, ought to have the full benefit of lawful defense and fair play. The plan of having voluntary defenders, chiefly finespirited young lawyers, meets the want and removes the dangers and vices of wholesale assignment to men often incompetent and in many cases even pettifoggers who are more likely to rob their wretched clients than to help them.

JOHN HAY AND CHINA

Dr. Wellington Koo, Chinese Minister at Washington, informs us that virtual passage is assured for a bill in the Chinese Parliament providing for the erection of a monument to John Hay in the Central Park of Peking.

This is as it should be. John Hay was one of the best friends China ever had. At a time when, under the guise of spheres of influence, territorial concessions, and exclusive trading rights, the Powers were about to partition China, he stood forth as China's savior. The Boxer uprising of 1900 formed a peculiarly good opportunity for the Powers. Fortunately, however, for the instant every Power, suspecting the other Powers, was hesitating before beginning the land-grabbing. John Hay had the genius to know precisely what he wanted to do and to seize the moment for doing it. Taking advantage of the instant lull, he sent a "round robin" to all the foreign chancelleries, declaring that his purpose was:

1. To protect American citizens in China.

2. To aid the Chinese Government to suppress the uprising. 3. To preserve Chinese territorial and administrative integrity.

66

we

How the grabbers trampled over each other in disclaiming any wish to grab, Germany at the head declaring that desire no partition of China and seek no special advantages"! Hardly, it seemed, had the Hay round robin reached its des tinations before three things were assured:

1. China's integrity and internal order.

2. A "gentleman's agreement" among the land-grabbers to hold off.

3. The "open door" for foreign trade in China-that is to say, equal opportunities for foreign manufacturers, exporters, and investors.

But John Hay did more than this. He overthrew the age-long international ideal of greed, with its methods of deceit and underground politics; he replaced these things by his own transparent honesty of purpose, by his frankness and fair play in method.

Years later John Hay's magnanimity was shown in his successful proposal to remit half of the Chinese indemnity due to us for our losses during the Boxer Rebellion.

Are not these reasons enough for China's gratitude, and for its expression in the Central Park of Peking?

EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY LAWS UPHELD
BY THE SUPREME COURT

On March 6 three very important decisions were handed down by the Supreme Court of the United States, sustaining the employers' liability laws of Washington, Iowa, and New York; these are the first of the State laws of this kind which have come before the Supreme Court, and friends of the employers' liability movement are greatly encouraged. While the three laws differ widely in administrative machinery and provision for compensation, the basis on which all three are sustained is identical. To understand them it is necessary to review the principles of common law under which the employer has been in so many cases exempt.

These are, first, that the employee knows the nature of the bargain he makes when he contracts to do the work, and by that knowledge tacitly assumes the risk; second, that negligence on the part of the employee himself or, third, negligence on the part of a fellow-servant (i. e., fellow-employee) may contribute to the accident which results in his injury or death. It is easy to see