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made to produce more crops than are needed for our own requirements. Many millions of people across the seas, as well as our own people, must rely in large part upon the products of our fields and ranges. This situation will continue to exist even though hostilities should end unexpectedly soon, since European production cannot be restored immediately to its normal basis. Recognition of the fact that the world at large, as well as our

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own consumers, must rely more strongly on American farmers this year than ever before should encourage them to strive to the utmost to meet these urgent needs.

No farmer who follows to the best of his ability such advice as this need feel that he is shirking his duty to his country even if it does not fall to his lot to follow the flag to Flanders.

LENROOT AND LA FOLLETTE: A CONTRAST

SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE OUTLOOK

N analysis of the votes of Wisconsin Senators and Representatives in Congress on the resolution declaring a state of war reveals a lack of National vision, and in its place a subservience to local racial and sentimental pressure that was not equaled by any other State of the Union either in numbers or ratio. Ten of the thirteen men sent by Wisconsin to Congress voted against the resolution-one Senator and nine Congressmen. And of the conspicuous ones in the entire Congress, in speeches and in work against the wishes of the President and the people at large, Senator La Follette and Congressman Cooper, of Wisconsin, were the most conspicuous. The pressure from Wisconsin, it truly and unfortunately appears, was determined and emphatic against a declaration of war. Its Scandinavian as well as its German population, both led particularly by the Lutheran Church, manifested almost equal opposition on the grounds either of peace at any price or opposition to interference with the policy of the German Empire. Not all Wisconsin-not all its so-called German population-was against the resolution, but a very large and active body of the population was, and it exerted unusual pressure upon its representatives in Congress to oppose the popular will.

In the House the vote of Congressman Irvine L. Lenroot, from a Wisconsin district composed largely of Scandinavians and Germans, was especially significant and praiseworthy, for it was an affirmative vote. Mr. Lenroot, like his colleagues, was fairly bombarded with telegrams and letters urging and demanding that he vote in accord with what was claimed to be the anti-war sentiment of Wisconsin. But Mr. Lenroot differed from his colleagues in vision and in his estimate of his duty as a member of the National Congress. He voted, not as a private secretary of a district of Wisconsin, but as an independent member of the

greatest Legislature in the United States. It was a brave vote, and yet, aside from the emotion that affected every serious menber of Congress, not a hard vote for Mr. Lenroot to cast. And he is finding no hesitancy or difficulty in standing by his vote and telling his constituents that some day they will greatly regret having asked him to unite with others in placing the Badger State in a column by itself, almost as much outside the National group of States as if it were a German province or a self-constituted peace-at-any-price duchy. By his action Mr. Lenroot, absolutely uninfluenced by political considerations, did his State a greater service than it now knows, but which some day it will realize. His action also will undoubtedly add to his future usefulness and influence as a National character. Previously recognized by many as the dean in ability and influence of the entire Wisconsin delegation, Mr. Lenroot has by his patriotic vote now firmly established himself as such in the estimate of the country at large, if not yet by his own State.

It is of significance to recall that originally Mr. Lenroot was a close worker in his State with Mr. La Follette. Recent events have made it clear that he is as far removed from that erratic and demagogic influence as the east is from the west. Mr. Lenroot would make a much-to-be-desired successor to Mr. La Follette in the Senate, where he could and would do wonders to restore Wisconsin to the place where it belongs, and where sooner or later its own people will proudly admit it belongsin the column for the Government rather than in the one apparently against it. It should be mentioned also that with Mr. Lenroot, from Wisconsin, there stood strongly for the National will the Hon. Paul O. Husting, the Democratic colleague of Mr. La Follette in the Senate, and Mr. Classon, a newly elected Republican member of the House. Washington, D. C., April 10.

RUSSIA'S FUTURE

THE BASIS OF HOPE FOR HER PERMANENT DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT

SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE OUTLOOK

At a recent luncheon in New York given at the Biltmore Hotel by the American-Russian Chamber of Commerce in celebration of the new Russian freedom a striking speech was made by Mr. A. J. Sack on the promise of Russia's future. Mr. Sack is a distinguished Russian journalist, and has devoted himself especially to writing on economic subjects. He is now established in New York as the representative of the Petrograd Telegraph Agency, which fulfills a function in Russia similar to that of our Associated Press. He is also staff correspondent for the official publications of the Russian Ministry of Finance. We have asked him to give our readers the interesting and illuminating explanation which he gave in his Biltmore speech of the reasons why the American democracy should confidently associate itself with the new Russian democracy.-THE EDITORS.

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HE development of Russian economic life during the ten years between the Russo-Japanese and the present war has been very remarkable even under the most adverse circumstances. It must be remembered that these ten years were the years of darkest reaction in Russia, probably the most pitiful, the most unfortunate years in Russian national history. Nevertheless, during these ten years the national wealth of Russia had almost doubled.

Before the Russo-Japanese War, in 1901, Russia produced 16,750,000 tons of coal. Ten years later, in 1911, Russia yielded 31,116,667 tons of coal, about eighty-six per cent more than in 1901. Just before the present war Russia was producing more than 40,000,000 tons annually.

The amount of copper smelted in Russia in 1901 was only

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9,633 tons. In 1911 this amount had increased to 26,060 tons. Just prior to the war it totaled about 40,000 tons. The progress copper production is analogous with the development in all the metallic industries in Russia. The quantity of pig iron produced was almost doubled during the last three years, reaching an amount more than 5,000,000 tons just before the war.

Agricultural production in Russia developed along the same lines. In 1901 an area of 214,500,000 acres was sowed' in main agricultural products, whereas in 1910-11 the number of acres planted was 246,000,000. The yield in 1901 was 54,167,000 tons, and in 1910-11 it amounted to 74,168,000 tons.

Naturally, with the development of Russian industries Russian trade developed also. The number of Russian commercial houses increased from 862,000 in 1901 to 1,177,000 in 1911.

Just preceding the war the number of commercial houses amounted to about 1,500,000.

The joint stock company is a very important feature of Russian industrial development. Many Russian manufacturing establishments are organized in the form of joint stock companies. During the five years 1903-7, 419 joint stock companies began operating in Russia, with a capital of $180,540,000. During the following five years, 1907-11, 778 joint stock companies were in action, with a capital of $453,900,000. Just prior to the war, in 1913, 235 new joint stock companies were organized, with a capital of about $204,000,000. The capital of the joint stock companies has increased about half a billion dollars since 1911, reaching a total of $2,022,150,000 before the war. Of this $299,370,000 was foreign capital.

Simultaneously with the wonderful economic and trade development in Russia there developed also the finance of the vast country. The money in Russian banks and in circulation multiplied from $918,000,000 to $1,938,000,000 during the last ten years, an increase of about one hundred and eleven per cent. The amount of securities in circulation grew from $4,233,000,000 to $6,783,000,000, an increase of about sixty per cent. The deposits in the Russian State Bank, Societies for Mutual Credit, share banks and city banks on January 1, 1913, amounted to $1,669,230,000-about one billion dollars more than on January 1, 1903. The deposits in the Russian savings banks multiplied from $399,840,000 in 1903 to $812,940,000 in 1913. During the ten years between the Russo-Japanese War and the present war Russia's wealth had doubled.

The giant whose name is Russia has been developing remarkably in spite of the chains holding him down. You can imagine how great will be his development now that the chains are torn off and the most powerful factor of efficiency, the sacred principles of democracy, are established.

Our new Cabinet, our new Government, is the flower of our country. The existence of local, self-governing bodies for a period of more than fifty years and the existence of the Duma during the past ten years have enabled our country to produce, among the elements opposing the old régime, real statesmenmen of sound education, broad-minded, with deep and noble souls, great workers for a great Russia. No country, even with hundreds of years of parliamentary régime, could create more able statesmen than Prince George Lvoff, Professor Paul Milyukov, A. I. Shingaref, A. I. Guchkoff, A. A. Manuilloff, and others of the new Cabinet.

These are the leaders of the new Russia. Russia, effervescing with enthusiasm, breathing creative energy, looking forward as a boy of nineteen, joyous, healthy, with a bright future ahead. Watch this Russia growing. Watch Russia developing her immense natural resources. Watch Russia repeating the wonderful industrial development of the United States since the Civil War.

Four elements combined made possible the development of the United States. The first element was its youth, energetic and

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N editorial published in a recent issue calling attention to General Sanger's proposal for the reconstruction of West Point has apparently aroused some interest among our readers. By taking the so-called cultural studies out of the course and giving them to the preparatory schools and colleges and making West Point purely a technical military school General Sanger would reduce the term necessary to educate and graduate a young officer from four years to two years. The Outlook raised the question whether this might not remove from West Point some of its best influences and tendencies. Of the letters we have received we select two for publication, one supporting General Sanger's plan and one opposing it. The author of the first letter is a son of the late Mark Hopkins, President of Williams College, is a graduate of that institution, and was colonel of the Thirty-seventh Massachusetts Volunteers during the Civil War. He has been a member of the Board of Visitors of West Point, and now resides in Washington. The author of the second letter, a graduate of West Point, is a retired major of the

eager for work. The second was the natural resources of the country. The third, the sacred principles of democracy, which recognize for everybody a certain amount of right and give everybody his chance. The fourth was the foreign capital which flowed into the United States after the Civil War, and, with the work of the free democracy, made possible the development of its natural resources.

Two of these elements we Russians have always possessed. I take the liberty to say that we always possessed a wonderfully talented people; a people with great latent power; a people which, under the strain of the most unfortunate national history, produced a wonderful culture; a people which, under the strain of the most barbarous despotism trying to kill every bit of spirit in Russia, gave to the world during the nineteenth century alone such writers and poets as Pushkin, Gogol, Turgenev, Tolstoy, and Dostoievsky; such musicians as Glinka, Mussorgsky, Tchaikowsky, Rimsky-Korsakoff, and Scriabin; such scientists as Mendeleyev, Lebedeff, Timiraseff, and Metchnikoff; such philosophers as Vladimir Solovieff and Prince Sergius Troubetzkoy.

On the other hand, we possess almost endless and priceless natural resources. Well-informed Americans know what promise there is in our Caucasus, Turkestan, and Siberia, not to mention other parts of vast Russia. We desire to work, we have ground to work, and we are going to work for our country.

These two elements, a capable people and immensely rich natural resources, we have long possessed. Only recently there has been born the third element necessary for the proper development of every country. Like a burst of sunshine after a terrible storm came the news of Russian freedom. Russia is free, as all the countries of Europe will be free after this terrible struggle.

All we now need is the fourth element, foreign capital, which, together with the work of the free Russian democracy, will help us to develop the immense natural resources of our country. In this time, in this trying time in our national history, our eyes are turning to the United States, to our old friend, to the greatest and wisest democracy in the world, which certainly will not refuse to help and to work together with the new-born democracy of Russia. European capital developed your country. During the war, from a nation debtor you have become a nation creditor. With the immense concentration of capital in your country you have a noble opportunity to play in our industrial development the same most important rôle which foreign capital has played in your own industrial development since the Civil War.

Will Americans lose this opportunity? We believe they will not. We believe that the glorious Russian revolution has removed the last barriers in the way of the American-Russian economic rapprochement and strengthened forever the bonds of friendship between the great Republic of the United States and the new-born Democracy of Russia. A. J. SACK. New York, April 3.

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BE REORGANIZED?

United States Army and is now commandant of one of the largest and best-known military schools of the country.

I-FROM A SUPPORTER OF GENERAL SANGER'S PLAN

To the Editor of The Outlook:

I have read your comments on General Sanger's contribution to the "Journal of the Military Service Institution on the Military Academy at West Point, and consider them of suffi cient professional value to merit further notice.

General Sanger, whose query has directed attention to the Academy, has had long and varied experience in the army: During the Civil War and for more than twenty years there after, as an artillery officer; in front of Petersburg, Virginia. he held with his guns for two weeks the most advanced and exposed artillery position on the entire front, for which he could have had a medal of honor had he asked for it; after the war

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he was credited by General Schofield with being the author of the present system of range and position finding for coast and harbor defense; as aide-de-camp and military secretary to the late General Schofield; as the companion of General Upton during his official inspection of the armies of Japan, China, India, Persia, Turkey, Russia, Austria, Germany, France, Italy, and England, and his collaborator in the preparation of " Upton's Military Policy of the United States," the most valuable military book ever published in this country, of which he was subsequently the editor; as brigade and division commander during the Spanish-American War; as director of the censuses of Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, the reports of which are now standard books of reference. Many other important duties have devolved on him, but space does not permit even a reference to them.

In the suggestions made by General Sanger I fail to see wherein "they are educational rather than military," as hinted in The Outlook, nor do I find anything likely to affect injuriously the traditions and influence of the Academy. They can be adequately inculcated in a two years' course. The proposition to make it a National Military School, to raise the standard of admission, to shorten the time at the Academy to two years, throwing it open to the young men of the entire country, without respect to political, social, or personal influence, and establishing a more thorough and extended course of military instruction than cadets are now receiving, would be, if approved, of distinct military advantage to the country, whatever the effects might be on the traditions and spiritual influence of West Point. In fact, General Sanger's suggestions seem to me practical, sensible, and timely, coming as they do on the verge of the large increase in the number of second lieutenants to be appointed in the army now and hereafter. To continue using the Military Academy for the scientific training of engineers and ordnance officers, when army schools provide ample facilities for that purpose and the country abounds in men who, with Governmert backing, could do all the construction work devolving on them with honesty, thoroughness, and skill, is without excuse and an encroachment on the legitimate objects of the school.

But it is hardly to be expected that the Academic Board will yield to such suggestions even at the present time of great necessity, as this body would appear to be more interested in maintaining the traditional reputation of the Academy as a scientific school than in supplying second lieutenants to the army. In the opinion of the writer, the first and second classes should be graduated in June, the third and fourth classes at the end of the second year, and the changes suggested by General Sanger should be considered immediately.

The Outlook refers to Generals Grant, Lee, and Goethals as illustrations and shining examples of the spiritual and material benefits of the Academy as now administered. From personalities of all kinds General Sanger's suggestions are happily and singularly free, but, even so, it is only fair to remark that it is a long road from Bull Run to Appomattox, and that not all the professional generals who made the journey were of the same quality as Grant and Lee, and reflected in their military performances greater familiarity with the academic than the tactical instruction given at the Academy. This General Sanger's suggestions are meant to obviate in future, and are certainly worth trying. ARCHIBALD HOPKINS.

Washington, D. C., March 30.

II-FROM A CRITIC OF GENERAL SANGER'S PLAN On page 501 of The Outlook for March 21 I have just read an interesting editorial, "Shall West Point be Reorganized?" The Outlook's remarks are both interesting and instructive, and are peculiarly satisfying to a graduate.

I disagree with General Sanger. In my opinion, West Point has been of too much value to the Nation to change its work and policies without serious consideration, and even then such changes should be made with care and deliberation.

I am afraid that General Sanger's criticism of West Point is not founded on an intimate knowledge of the school or of its basic aims and object. He is a non-graduate. It is always so easy for a West Pointer to tell how Yale, Harvard, and Princeton should be reformed, and vice versa. West Point is a college wherein embryo army officers receive the instruction necessary,

not only for their professional work as officers, but for their association with educated men of the world with whom they must come in contact. I am afraid that General Sanger's idea of West Point is that of only too many men who are conducting military academies throughout the United States. They look upon a military academy as a military post-as a place where the primary object is the training of young soldiers, instead of as a genuine school wherein youth should be given a broad and liberal education, the equal of the best in the land, and wherein the military instruction is a mere incident of the daily life they live, and where the discipline is a result of this daily life.

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We have service schools wherein the young officer takes his technical education after he finishes his academic education at West Point. I believe it will be a sad mistake if the policy is ever adopted of reducing West Point's academic work and confining the instruction to technical subjects.

There is no question but that the United States is sorely in need of an institution or institutions for the training of reserve officers for its army and navy in time of sudden need, as well as for the proper training of young men for the regular service even in time of peace. West Point has never been able to, and cannot now, train more than about fifty per cent of the young men who are required to fill the yearly requirement of officers for the regular army.

In my opinion, there is a vast field of work for a great civil military academy run on the rigid disciplinary lines of West Point, in which a graduating class of two thousand young men could be turned out each year. After graduation these young men would take up the ordinary business pursuits of life, the same as the graduates of any other civil institution, except those who wished to take the competitive examinations for admission to the regular army after the West Point class is provided for. The difference between the graduates of this institution and those of Cornell, Harvard, or Yale would be practically the same as the difference between the graduates of West Point and Cornell, Harvard, or Yale to-day. They would be thoroughly disciplined and trained for the duties of a second lieutenant, which cannot be said of the graduates of any civil institution.

The recent bill for the establishment of the Reserve Officers' Training Corps at various institutions throughout the United States is but the shallowest sort of a makeshift. The idea that any young man, no matter how patriotic or enthusiastic, can obtain a military education and training at college by putting on a uniform for one hour, three afternoons a week, is ridiculous. Such a young man is, of course, of more value to his Government than the clerk or boy from the farm, but four years such work at a civil college gives him only a smattering of what he ought to have before jumping into the command, training, and responsibility for the lives of fifty or a hundred men.

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When a young man graduates from West Point, he is fairly well prepared to take command of a troop or company. The company organization that has a brand-new youngster, just out of the Point, for its commanding officer when it goes into active service is in luck. The army is full of splendid officers who came to the service from civil life, but who were correspondingly worthless when they first entered. Training takes time; any army officer, whether from the ranks, civil life, or West Point, will tell you of the fear and trepidation with which he reads of the assignment to his command of a brand-new officer from the civil list. It means a year of hard work in instructing and training this new youngster in his simplest duties. This same officer will tell you of the satisfaction with which he reads of the assignment of a young graduate. Both are plain, every-day American boys-one is trained to the duties which he has to undertake, the other has to learn how to perform his work after being assigned to duty..

It seems to me that one of the greatest opportunities in America to-day is for a self-constituted body of prominent men to get together, form a really practical plan for such an institution as I have suggested above, and then go to the numerous millionaires of the Nation and raise an endowment fund of two hundred millions for the purpose of organizing, building, and running such a great National institution. MILTON F. DAVIS.

Cornwall-on-Hudson, New York, March 23.

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MOBILIZING THE MERCHANT MARINE

SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE OUTLOOK

August Congress awoke to the

faring reservists and established the United States Naval

faring reservists and established the United States Naval Reserve Force, made up of six classes, of which Class Three is composed of officers and men employed on "American vessels of the merchant marine of suitable type for use as naval auxiliaries and which shall have been listed as such by the Navy Department for use in war."

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This meant that the navy, having marked "For use in war certain liners, coastwise ships, and cargo boats, wanted to take them over with their crews and officers intact. To do so it offered enrollment in the Naval Auxiliary Reserve (Class Three of the Reserve Force) with rank or ratings corresponding to those held in the merchant marine. The highest obtainable rank in the Reserve is lieutenant-commander, which goes to captains in the merchant service. Chief engineers rank as full lieutenants, lower officers enroll as junior lieutenants or ensigns, and so on down through petty or non-commissioned officers to the A. B., or able seaman.

In time of peace, enrollment in the Auxiliary Reserve secures an annual retainer or bonus equal to one month's navy pay for officers and two for sailors, payable quarterly. Every reenrollment carries an increase of twenty-five per cent. Terms of enlistment are for four years, with the privilege of withdrawal at any time if the country is at peace. Twenty years' service assures a cash gratuity equal and in addition to the sum of four previous annual payments.

To put it simply, let us suppose that a Southern Pacific steamship plying between New York and New Orleans is listed as an auxiliary vessel for the navy. The Government wants that ship as a unit, officers and men, and suggests to its skipper that he enroll in the Auxiliary Reserve as a lieutenant commander, navy base pay of $250 a month, yielding an annual retainer from the Government while the captain remains in the merchant service of $250. At the end of four years, if he is still on an auxiliary vessel, likes Uncle Sam's arrangements, and wants to re-enroll, he receives an additional twenty-five per cent of his annual retainer, or $62.50, which would make his peace premium total annually $312.50. Every four years his pay increases twenty-five per cent, so that after sixteen years he would receive an annual retainer from the Government of $500. On the completion of twenty years' service, if he wants to retire, the Government in Washington will send him a check for the total sum which he has already been paid during the past four years, or $2,000, as a cash gratuity in lieu of a pension.

The ship's chief engineer would be ranked as full lieutenant, and an assistant enrolling as chief machinist's mate (the leading petty officer in the engine-room) would receive during his first four years in the Reserve $140 a year. During his second enrollment, assuming that he was not promoted, he would draw $175, and so on. In the forecastle all able seamen would receive an annual retainer of $48, or four dollars a month, paid by check every three months. A first-class fireman would draw $70 annually, or a sum equal to two months' pay for such men when regularly enlisted in the United States navy.

When called into active service by the outbreak of war, all officers and men receive full pay according to their navy rank in addition to their retainer or peace bonus, together with a uniform allowance of $150 for officers and $60 for men. They are then eligible for pensions, bounties, and gratuities the same as men of the regular service.

There is one provision which makes the new Act popular in peaceful days: interruptions of daily routine with calls for practice cruises will not occur. "We won't have to hire somebody to take our places while we go off on little boats and are taught things we know already," said one old salt, as he stowed away his certificate that he had passed the Reserve medical and mental examinations.

"It is goot for eferybody," chimed in another, born long ago in Sweden and thirty years an American citizen. Goot

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for the Government because now it gets officers who know their ship; goot for the company because they know their vessel will be cared for right; and goot for us because we do not go unless our ship goes, and then we stay in the berths we haf alretty."

Captain Neptune is skipper of a coastwise liner, and a character. He is of Maine Yankee stock, but if asked where he was born, he'll admit he doesn't know. Somewhere off the coast of Formosa, he believes, for he was one of four children his gallant mother bore at sea when voyaging with her husband round the globe.

"I was nine years old before I went ashore to live," says the captain, "and the first thing I did made them all laugh at me. I ran upstairs calling, Come quick, the cow's adrift. She's moored on the hillside and dragging her anchor.' They never got over poking fun at me about that cow."

As a little boy the captain remembers the ship surrounded by cannibals and his father and the crew beating them off by heaving things over the side into dugouts and canoes. Although a skipper's son himself, he shipped before the mast and rose by grit and hard knocks from A.B, to petty officer, and from mate to captain. He saw the sailing ships give way to steam. And now, with the great war facing him, the captain is torn like a twisted bowline. For the stanch old sea-dog is pacifist by conviction and fighter by nature. "War's not the way to settle things; the whole world's gone crazy," he says, firmly; and the next minute repeats a conversation with his wife when she expressed herself against his taking part in hostilities: "Sorry, my girl; you have your way in everything else, but this time your word don't go. If there's a fight, I'm going in."

When his ship came into New York, the captain saw her safely docked, made his report to the office, and set out for Pier A on the Battery to seek the junior lieutenant whose business it is to enroll the Auxiliary Reserve. The skipper had sailed his own ship when the junior lieutenant was navigating the nursery, but he stood a bit in awe of the young man who represented Uncle Sam as examining board for the Reserve Force. He needn't have been troubled, for he passed the doctor's inspection easily and could rattle off such simple facts as that the President is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, and the titles of officers from ensign through all grades to admiral. "Lieutenant-commander is your rating now," he was told, and he set off grimly to face his wife and break the

news.

The men of the marine find fault with the Reserve regulations on the ground that they are not sufficiently elastic. They claim that it is a mistake to enroll only officers and men on auxiliary ves sels; that all eligibles in the merchant service should be accepted, since in many lines it is the custom to transfer officers from one ship to another, with the result that a vessel listed for war duty might have seventy-five per cent of its personnel enrolled in the Reserve, only to find that three months later these are scattered on other ships, and their places filled with men from unlisted ships to whom enrollment had already been refused.

"The men of the Huron went down to enroll," said the officer of a Clyde Line vessel, "and they wouldn't take them because she isn't an auxiliary. Now that's a pity. They'd better take every man Jack of us while they're about it. They'll need us all before they get through licking Germany."

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There's another obstacle to bringing the Auxiliary Service up to its full complement; the reserve is only for American citizens, and there are few in the forecastle in these days. The proportion of men to officers already enrolled might not get past a censor, but it's an open secret that while the navy can have all the officers in the marine, not one sailorman in twenty would be eligible. Many jack-tars would be glad to take out naturalization papers, but a roving life makes it almost impossible. MARY DEWHURST.

New York City.

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SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF THE OUTLOOK

THE editors of certain German newspapers would have their readers believe that their compatriots within the Ottoman Empire are fraternizing with the natives on the best of terms. Take, for instance, the "Osmanischer Lloyd," the Teutonic organ published in Constantinople. In its columns phrases like the following are constantly recurring: "Our brave comrades in arms," "Our Turkish brethren," and "United with this noble race for the furtherance of a common ideal.” One might conclude from words like these that between the Germans and the Turks all is harmony.

My own observations, however, lead me to a different conclusion. During my residence of three and a half years in Turkey the opportunity has come to me to visit most of her big cities, to get into intimate relationship with her people, and at the same time to make numerous acquaintances among the Germans within her borders. Since the outbreak of the war I have visited one of the Kaiser's U-boats in the Mediterranean, have spent several months in a hospital with German soldiers, and have made a ten days' land journey over the Bagdad Railway route from Syria to Constantinople. Numerous instances of the incompatibility of the German and the Turkish natures come to my mind now, but space does not permit me to cite them all. The following incidents, all of which happened within seven hours, ought to be a good index to the real state of affairs. They occurred one day in November during the course of my journey across the Taurus Mountains from Tarsus to Bozanti, Asia Minor.

The German military automobile was scheduled to leave St. Paul's Gate, Tarsus, at seven in the morning. Long before that time a number of prospective travelers had gathered about, eagerly waiting for the chauffeurs to open the canvas door. A German mechanic, clad in regulation "field gray," was hurwas hur i riedly attending to some slight repairs when a young man, impatient for a seat, rushed up and began pressing his claims. "Shut up!" yelled the mechanic. Like a true Oriental, the fellow continued talking. Without further provocation, the German rose from his work and, letting loose a string of condemnatory expletives, struck him a terrible blow in the face.

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After the canvas flap had been unloosed we all, twenty-five of us, piled inside. There was no vestige of order about it. Bags, boxes, a veiled woman, captains, private soldiers, swords, vegetables, and water-bottles-all made up one great jumble. German efficiency was conspicuously absent in this procedure. But the passengers, one by one, got themselves into positions of greater comfort. Then the inspectors looked us over. There was one person too many! Who would have to stay behind? The blow fell upon a meek-looking, elderly civilian. "Is the Effendi your father?" one of the Germans said to me. I disclaimed relationship. "Then he must get out!" he continued. "But I've got important business at, and there's no other way of and there's no other way of going," came the reply. Neither quite understood the other; neither wanted to yield. In the attitude of the Turk one could observe a determination to override imposition; in that of the German there were evidences of a nature which, once the law is stated, brooks no opposition. The Turk stood his ground until, finally, his opponent lost all self-control. Furious at the idea of further delay, he rushed up behind the old man and, in the same fashion as one might remove a calf from a cabbage patch, pushed him out into the road. If it be remembered that the Mohammedan is a respecter of old age almost to the point of adulation, the reader may well fancy the effect of this scene upon the minds of the haughty Turks.

About five miles from Tarsus, at the camp of Kulek Bogaz, the automobile came to its first halt. A smartly dressed Prusian officer came out of staff headquarters and ordered the chauffeur to make place for eight baskets of vegetables which he wanted to send to a friend along the way. He was informed that the truck was already taxed to its capacity. "In that case," said the officer in stentorian tones, "two of these men must get out. Here, you fellows," he shouted, pointing to two orderlies, get out!" His words were not comprehended, but his gestures meant business. "My good sir," interrupted the Turkish captain of cavalry beside me, we cannot

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part with these men. They are accompanying us to Constantinople as our aides." Then followed a rapid fire of words in French, German, Turkish, and Arabic. In the Near East two men's quarrel is everybody's quarrel. The German officer had probably never before met with such opposition. He could endure no further parleying. Scarlet with rage, he jumped up on the running-board, and with a terrible "Heraus !" threatened to hurl them to the ground. They obeyed. In the vacated section of the truck there were then placed five baskets of eggplant, two of squash, and one of lettuce and we continued on our journey.

The next circumstance centered around a veiled woman. Be it said for the Turk that in public he treats women with respect. I have seen Moslem women stand up for their rights as European women would never dare to for fear of arrest. At the half-way station the collector came for our fares. First he got the fee of a lira Osmanli ($4.44) from me, and then he addressed the woman. She refused to pay. Not comprehending a word of her objection, the collector became more insistent. Again the company interested themselves in the situation. From their menacing looks one could tell that they would not let their female fellow-traveler be the loser. Again a heated polyglot conversation took place, but it brought no results. At last the captain of cavalry, disgusted with the trend of affairs, addressed me in a mixture of French and Arabic. 66 Translate," he said, "and write the following words in German.' The request complied with, he handed my paper to the collector. Upon it, in German, were these words: This woman is a widow. She has lost her only son in the war." The woman gained her point.

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That the next occurrence did not end in the actual shedding of blood now seems to me little short of a miracle. We had come to a small encampment three miles south of Bozanti, when we were hailed by a Turkish captain of infantry. When the car had come to a stop, he climbed up and took a front seat. "You can't remain here; it's against the rules," came from the chauffeur. The fact of the matter was that one of his comrades had been with him there for most of the journey. The officer looked through a glass in the partition separating the front seat from the rest of the car. There was no room inside. Again he tried the vacant place, this time claiming his rights as a commissioned officer in the army of the Sultan. " Who's running this car, you or I?" was the reply he got. "You can't ride here; that's all there is to it!" But the Turk was not alone. Inside the car were a score of his fellow-officers, already exasperated at the indignities heaped upon their number by the Germans. They would have no more of it. Allah ruin his home!" and " Allah curse his religion !" came from their lips, as a number of them made a wild rush to get at their now certain enemy. But luck was with the German in the form of the partition behind him. Before his would-be assailants could alight and run around to the front he had touched the lever and we were off like a bullet. In fifteen minutes more we were in the German Bagdad Railway town of Bozanti. The Turks had been humbled. The Germans were safe.

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These incidents, it seems to me, need little comment. They were not extraordinary or strikingly sensational; simply such as occur day after day in Turkey. As I was awaiting police inspection at Bozanti one of the Germans, referring to the events of the trip, said to me, "There you see what these people are; nothing but barbarians. How can we ever hope to be united with a race like this?" His statement is representative of the true feelings of the Germans. They seem to have no capacity whatever for seeing things from any view-point other than their own. The Turks, on the other hand, while respecting the ability of their Teutonic allies, and even realizing to a certain extent their own inferiority, are not willing to be bullied into conformity to a German system of life and conduct. Then pride clashes with pride. The result is wrangling and strife. The Germans, because of their influential position in military circles, generally get the upper hand. But deep down in the hearts of their comrades in arms " there rankles a feeling of resentment which is fast growing into hatred. EDGAR F. ROMIG.

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