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LITTLE after four in the afternoon the day we landed

I betook myself to the large, attractive tea-room of the Adelphi Hotel, in Liverpool. Even before I reached it I could hear the gay music and the chatter. It was already so filled that there was not a table vacant. Undecided, I stood looking at the throng of smartly dressed women and khaki-clad men. An officer in kilts, seated alone at a table near the door, rose, called the girl who served, and spoke a few words with her. Then he joined another tableful of officers, while the girl, in her pretty uniform, came to me and said that I might have his table. She carried him his tea, and then went for mine. I looked over to the officer to thank him, but he gave me no chance.

I took my seat, not quite knowing whether to like the frivolous gayety all around me or to resent it. We had imagined England at war to be serious and sober-minded, not bent on making merry, and there I was, the only woman present in a traveling gown, surrounded by women dressed as for a holiday. Meditatively I sipped my tea, all the while examining the faces of the men in khaki, the men in kilts, and the men in those hideous long trousers made of huge plaids, which look as if mother had taken her shawl and made a pair of trousers for her breechesless boy. At the table nearest me sat four extremely young looking things in khaki, pink of complexion and with boyish curves to their lips. Unmistakably they were of the better class, and I could hardly imagine them anything .except." public school boys who had now gone on to Sandhurst to prepare for the real war; but, on closer scrutiny, I noticed that one had a bit of ribbon on his breast, the ribbon which indicates valor in the field. He looked so young that one felt as if he could hardly have finished the milk and bread-and-butter diet of the English

nursery.

The music started a melody from a comic opera, and the decorated infant leaned forward and began to sing the words sotto voce for the benefit of his three companions. They were having such a jolly time that I began to wonder whether England really grasped the seriousness of the war she was engaged in. There was no evidence of it in the whole tea-room. Every one was gay, every one was laughing and chaffing. Presently three khaki figures came in ; one, white-faced and younger even than the decorated one, walked with difficulty by the help of two canes. They also looked about vainly for a table, and once more officers doubled up and gave them one. His companions helped the crippled one to sit down, easing him slowly into his chair, and I could see by the drawn lines about his mouth that every movement was agony. His eyes were sunken, and for a long minute after he had sat down he kept them closed and his mouth tightly shut.

Of course I was tired from the many formalities of being allowed to land in England, and the sight of suffering manhood was new to me, while the others around me had had two years to become accustomed to it, and there I sat unable to check the big tears that insisted on rolling down my cheeks. Now and then I furtively watched the cripple. The pain lessened, he was sipping his tea with that pleasurable abandon which only the English-born experiences with his tea-cup. He was laughing and joking, and when the band played a fox-trot his left hand, armed with a sandwich, kept time to the dance music.

England does not know that she has any especial philosophy of life. In reality, she has the best of all; she takes life as a sport in which a man may win or a man may lose, but the importance of which comes in the playing, not in the gain. Therefore they make no fuss about their wounded and maimed. They do not pity them-do not even make heroes of them. It is all in the day's work, and those who have not escaped unhurt are the unlucky ones, that is all.

On the next day we went to the Military Control Office to try to retrieve our papers and passports. A notice to travelers on the wall, and its wording was so typically English be given in its entirety:

AN APPEAL TO TRAVELERS IN THE INTERESTS OF
PUBLIC SAFETY AND FOR MILITARY REASONS

It is necessary that the Passenger Traffic between Great Britain and the Continent should be regulated strictly, and reduced as far as possible.

The public is therefore invited to co-operate by undertaking no journey except for very serious reasons.

Those who are compelled to travel are asked to remember that regulations have been made which, as is inevitable in time of war, necessitate a strict observance of all passport formalities and involve the search of person and baggage.

The traveling public is accordingly invited to comply with the regulations ungrudgingly, and not to increase the inconveniences to themselves and render the duties of the port authorities more difficult by chafing at restraints, attempting to obtain advantages denied to their fellow-passengers, or harassing officials by unnecessary questions.

Complete frankness as to the motive of a proposed journey and places to be visited is desirable and may ultimately save travelers delay and inconvenience. BY ORDER OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE

July, 1916.

FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT.

The smart young officer who had captured our papers on the previous day attacked them conscientiously, and finally permitted us to go on to London, volunteering the opinion that we should probably not be permitted to go on to Greece. Our pass ports and credentials he was to forward to the Home Office, which would decide our fate. The captain was much less severe than he had been the day before on the steamer. He seemed to be satisfied that the safety of the British Empire was not endangered by our presence, and treated us with the affability which an Englishman displays when once he decides to unbend.

Our night's delay in Liverpool had given the Government a chance to raise all the railway fares in the Kingdom fifty per cent, while reducing the number of trains. Thus more men were freed for the army, and coal was economized without a falling off of revenue.

With the fare from London to Liverpool now almost eleven dollars, first class, and the second class non-existent, we prudently decided to travel third, and it was a decision we shall always be glad we made.

Huddled over a newspaper in one corner of our compartment sat a youth in khaki. A scrap of pink cloth was sewed on his shoulder and there was a ribbon on his breast. Opposite me was an old gentleman with a book, and farther on was a young woman.

Over the luggage racks were war regulations. One said that, owing to Zeppelin raids, the curtains of the compartments must be drawn down after sunset. The other was addressed to the men in the service, and enjoined them to refrain from talking on military and naval affairs in order that they might give no possible information to enemies of Great Britain. Notwithstanding this I whispered to my husband to enter into conversation with the khaki next to him. My husband is frightfully AngloSaxon about speaking to people he does not know. "I don't know what to say to him," he whispered back. "Ask him what that bit of pink on his shoulder means," I urged.

At the question the boy good-naturedly stopped his reading and explained that it indicated his battalion.

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"And that scrap of ribbon on your breast?" we inquired. "Oh," he answered, reddening; "that's just the military cross." "And what did you get it for ?" we persisted, with American inquisitiveness.

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Bombing," he replied, laconically. "But what did you do?"

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He saw that he could not escape. Why, there were a party of us in a German trench, and it got pretty hot, and most of our fellows went back; but I had a good supply of bombs, so I kept on bombing until there were no more Fritzes. Well, my captain heard about it, and he thought it was pretty decent, so he reported it and I got the medal.

The ice was now broken, and all in the compartment began to talk together like old friends. We learned that the soldier was a

lance corporal, and was returning to France after à leave. His English, his cultivated voice, and his simple and unaffected manners bespoke his having come from a good home.

Presently another young man in khaki came in, wearing on his cuff two tiny gold stripes, running up and down, which indicated that he had twice been wounded. He was a corporal, and unmistakably a son of the people, frank in manner, and a friendly talker. He had been in America in a crockery store. When war broke out he had returned to England and enlisted.

Never in my life has a five-hour railway journey been so brief, so interesting. We forgot the sodden, gray day, prematurely turning to night; we were transported to France. We were no longer in the train-we were with the armies; we were with them at rest and with them at their grim work. We heard the artillery, and we walked-not ran-with the men when, behind the barrage fire, they advanced to storm the enemy trenches. We had of course read most of this, but it is not the same. From the lips of those two youths, one a few years older than the other, one of a different class from the other, we heard about it from two different points of view, each supplementing the other. They were the actors of the grim drama being played in France. They talked with the freedom which comes from a race which has lived in a democracy for generations.

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We learned that the English prefer the French bayonet to their own, because it is longer and slenderer, and not so liable to get stuck in use. Ah, but we have a lovely knife for trench work!" exclaimed the corporal, and the lance corporal, who had all his paraphernalia with him, brought one forth. It was of a "loveliness" to cause us to shudder. We all admired it, and handled it, and watched the soldiers as they showed us how it should be used. Yet all the while I was conscious that, in spite of their two years' fighting, in spite of what those two boys had seen, they remained untouched by the brutality of bloodshed. Their faces remained honest and human. When the lance corporal smiled, his face was lighted up by a light sweet and tender. How unlike the faces of the Germans we had left behind in America-Germans who had not done any fighting, but whose expressions since the beginning of this war have undergone a curious change; their lips curl in a snarl, the snarl of the fox or the wolf, the snarl of the mouth that laughed when the Lusitania was sunk, the Germans who made as targets for their soldiers fair figures of English, French, and Belgian soldiers. One face alone among the Germans I know stands apart from the rest. It is that of a woman, and since the war began her face has passed from one sad expression to another; her eyes are the eyes of sorrow, and her lips are tremulous with tragedy. She never talks glibly of successes and victories; she only suffers-but then she is half English by blood.

Months before this trip, in writing of the various armies I had seen, I remarked that those of England and of Greece had struck me as anachronistic, so civilized were the faces of the men, so little did the armies look like killing-machines. They were composed of men who thought of games and of books, not of rapine and conquest; and I had said that they would fight as well as the born killers when the grim necessity arose. These two young fellows in our compartment proved to me how right I had been. Yet their natures were not changed, and they spoke of the war in terms of sport, and it was as a sporting proposition that they regarded it. What they hated most in the Germans was not that they had wished to dominate the earth, but that they had not fought fair. "But we'll worry 'em," said the lance, cheerfully; "we'll give 'em frightfulness!"

The young woman whose husband and brothers were at the front spoke up from her corner: "Yes; while we women can only wait.

I agreed with her that the hardest rôle always was played by the women who had to wait. Thereupon the old gentleman from the other corner, in vehemently passionate tones which made the pathos of what he said the more poignant, cried: "No, madam, no. The hardest lot is not that of the women, but that of the old men, who are longing to serve, but who cannot because they are too old." And somehow he managed to convey to me the tragedy of those old men who long to carry arms for their country and can't.

When the train arrived in London, we all shook hands and

parted with regret. It had been a memorable journey, the most interesting time we had ever spent in a railway carriage. We had come into contact with the British soul more closely than ever before. The absolute feeling of assurance of those young fellows in khaki had become ours. And this assurance was strengthened when we saw the streets of London. Even more than in Liverpool were the streets full of khaki, and yet there was nothing military in the aspect of the men, in spite of their uniforms; they are merely Britishers in the service of their country, and wearing as the British are so fond of doing -the garb best suited to their occupation.

Many people in America sincerely believe that if the youth of a nation is trained to defend its country that nation will become Prussianized. Such people should visit England now when every man under forty-five years is a soldier. In a curious way the English are gentler, less militaristic, than ever before. And this impression that one gets en passant becomes a certainty when one talks with one's friends who are now officers. On a Sunday we were invited to take luncheon at an officers' mess, "somewhere in Sussex," a few miles from London, by a friend who is a captain.

The house was full of officers, most of whom had seen active service in the trenches, yet the absence of militarism was the most noticeable thing about them. Essentially the English are sportsmen: they give their services, their blood, the lives, to the mother country when she needs them; to their work, their pursuits, and their sports when she does not need them. We did not hear the clink of the sword, as we used to hear it in Germany in peace time. Above all, there was a total lack of military arrogance, an absence of any tendency to disregard the rights of civilians. The feeling between officers and men was of the best. In England it is a breach of the law for an officer not to return the salute of a private, while in Germany the rank and file saluted as to godlike beings who could not be expected to deign to return the salute.

During luncheon I sat between a doctor and a captain, both of whom had seen several months' service in France. Had neither of them ever seen a gun they could not have been gentler and less military. Of their own achievements they said little; but of France, her grit and determination, they could not say enough.

It is now nearly three weeks since we came to London. The Savoy, where we are staying, teems with khaki-clad figures and with others in the blue of the navy, as do the streets; yet never before have we felt the British people so little arrogant, so little manifesting the more objectionable British traits. It is not that they are trying to curry favor with Americans. On the contrary, the general indifference to American public opinion is almost culpable, considering the ceaseless propaganda that Germany is carrying on in the United States. They are just naturally kinder and politer, and the sacrifices they are making for their country are making better human beings of them. "England is spending her capital," my husband said to a couple of old friends who have been working for two years in a hospital. "Yes," they both cried, joyously; "but who wouldn't spend his capital to beat the Germans?" And the words were not empty, for they had lost just half their income through the war, and for the first time in their lives were saving money.

There are two facts which stand out pre-eminently: that Great Britain is fighting for the right, and that she is going to see the thing through, no matter what it may cost in blood and treasure.

We onlookers are convinced that, in spite of what it has cost and what it will cost, Great Britain has never been so prosperous, so welded together, so much a nation, as she is to-day. I have even learned not to object to the constant music in the hotel, the well-dressed women, the laughter, the chatter, the dancing, and the perpetual love-making. All those are but the reactions against the grim reality in the trenches the real thing is that England at last is awake, with more than the needed cannon, more than the needed shells, more tha the needed reinforcements, and all the old doggedness and plk.

To see England in khaki is to see how democracy can rise to fight for the right, to see how democracy can blunder through somehow, and can end in three years in being more ready than monarchy can be in forty-four years.

[Those who are using the weekly outline should not attempt to cover the whole of an outline in any one lesson or study. Assign for one lesson selected questions, one or two propositions for discussion, and only such words as are found in the material assigned. Or distribute selected questions among different members of the class or group and have them report their findings to all when assembled. Then have all discuss the questions together.]

I-INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Topic: America in the war. Reference: Pages 337, 338; editorial, pages 644, 645; also pages 646-648 and 650654.

Questions:

1. America's entrance into the war is a topic of so great and far-reaching importance as to warrant several lessons of study upon it. Other than the Declaration of Independence it is undoubtedly the greatest step ever taken by the United States. 2. Make out a list of America's reasons and motives for entering this war. (This can best be done after reading the President's address of April 2 and the references given above.) 3. Why were neutrality and armed neutrality a failure?: 4. When and how many times has the United States championed the principles of freedom and international rights? (See any good recent American history text-book.) 5. What results do you think entering the war will have upon the United States? Reasons. 6. State and discuss reasons for drawing a distinction between the German Government and the German people. 7. The President said that the additional armed forces needed should be "chosen the upon principle of universal liability [italics mine] to service." Is he advocating a new principle for America? (See the Act of Congress defining the militia or Garner's "Government in the United States," page 265.) Distinguish between militarism, conscription, universal military training, universal liability to service, and universal military service. (See editorial in this issue of April 18.) 8. What are the provisions of the Chamberlain Bill? The General Staff Bill? (See page 638.) Were you in Congress, which one of these bills would you vote for? Discuss reasons. 9. What does The Outlook think of President Wilson's address? What reasons does

it give for its opinion? (See editorial page 644.) 10. Explain The Outlook's statement: "Into this war no statesman has led America, and therefore into it America

has gone leaderless and unprepared." 11. How does The Outlook show that this war has subjected both democracy and autocracy trial? Democracy's ultimate test? 12. The Outlook says that for us and " our allies" this is a "people's war." How so? Do you know of any other "people's wars"? 13. What are the "effective measures" which The Outlook says the people of America must force their Government to take? (Page 645.) Do you agree or disagree? Why? 14. What is your

opinion of The Outlook's editorial on "The President,Congress, and the War"? 15. How have we enjoyed Great Britain's protection? 16. What impression of the President and of the Congress does Mr. Davenport convey to you? His opinion of Mr. Mann? Of Miss Rankin? (Pages 646, 647.) Yours? Should or should not women be members of Congress? 17. Just how does Mr. Johnson interpret the feelings of the Nation in his article "What Happened Outside the Capitol"? (Pages 647, 648.)

Interpret your own feelings after reading

his article. 18. Why is the South solidly Democratic? (See Muzzey's "American History," pages 477-531.) According to Mr.

Pulsifer, how has this war affected the South, Wilson, and what sort of patriotism does it possess? (Page 648.) 19. Make several comparisons of the views of Mr. Melish and of parisons of the views of Mr. Melish and of Professor Souby as to our duty to ourselves, to mankind, and to the future. For what reasons do you like or dislike the views of

what is the South's opinion of President

these two men? (Pages 653, 654.) 20. What are the views expressed in the Emergency

Peace Foundation advertisement and

in the two letters sent to the New York "Times" found on page 650? Tell what you think of these views. 21. What are the conditions in our navy and in our army according to Mr. Reuterdahl? (Pages 651, 652.) Why are the conditions what they are? Why, in your opinion, does not President Wilson make the best possible use of General Wood and Colonel Roosevelt? 22. Do you think naval and military officers should be forbidden to talk on matters pertaining to this war? 23. Is it our duty to send military forces to Europe? Of what political, moral, and military value could they be if sent? 24. Are there any pledges we ought to demand of our allies before we actually help them in this war? Discuss.

II-PROPOSITIONS FOR DISCUSSION (These propositions are suggested directly or indirectly by the subject-matter of The Outlook, but not discussed in it.)

1. The Supreme Court is not responsible to the people. 2. Young America is being necessity puts all belligerents beyond moeducated away from democracy. 3. Military rality. 4. America's entrance into the war will hinder the development of world democracy. 5. A nation is to be judged by the totality of its life and influence.

III-VOCABULARY BUILDING

(All of the following words and expressions are found in The Outlook for April 11, 1917. After looking them up in the dictionary or elsewhere, give their meaning in your own words.)

Par excellence, potential, prevision, fatuous, innate, hocus-pocus, gallant, structure, limousines, below par, impartial, bias, alternative, dynamic force, qualm, chaos, personnel, arsenals.

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