tional parochial government, for that of centralization; in fine, that all our misery and wretchedness have their origin in selfishness, the love of money, and impatience of Christian and constitutional restraint, I have no doubt; in other words, in the abandonment of the religion of Jesus Christ for that of Malthus, and the adoption of irresponsible liberalism for constitutional responsibility. The two principles must, however, now be tested. The Government which shall, at this crisis, refuse to enter unreservedly and fully upon that inquiry, to probe that question to the bottom, will prove itself incapable, will only be enabled to legislate from hand to mouth, and will, eventually, drive the people from a state of destitution to that of desperation. No middle course can now be tolerated. Falsehood and truth have met together we must no longer halt between two opinions-we must no longer yield to the delusive hope, that jarring elements may be united for the public weal; evasion, or tampering with opposing principles, will only create a lamentable and dangerous increase of that distress and destitution which we all deplore. Do I write thus to alarm? Not I. I believe that the salvation of the country will be consequent on the investigation. I rejoice to think, that there are piety, talent, and nerve sufficient in our governors to steer the vessel of State safely through this storm; and I pray God that he may bless their endeavours, that the result may be, "that righteousness and peace may kiss each other;" and that, hereafter, by progressive improvement, we may arrive at that state, when it may fairly be said, "we have no complaining in our streets." Without His aid, I have no hope. I would urge our governors and all the people, at this important juncture, this time of the nation's extremity, to seek for that knowledge which is from above; may this be the prayer of our Queen :— "And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made Thy servant Queen; and I am but a little child : I know not how to go out or come in. And Thy servant is in the midst of Thy people which thou hast chosen, a great people that cannot be numbered or counted for multitude. Give, therefore, Thy servant an understanding heart to judge Thy people, that I may discern between good and bad: for who is able to judge this Thy so great a people?" And may God, even our own God, give Her Majesty His blessing, even, a wise and understanding heart." For truly we have been brought into such straits and difficulties by listening to the delusive Charmer, rather than to God, that the wisdom of man will fail to extricate us. Nothing, but that wisdom which is from above, can now save this nation from utter ruin. I dread not the taunt of the Infidel philosophers, let them jeer, nor the pity of the professing Christian, who thinks that I am mad, because I believe that God does interfere in the policy of governments, and in matters of trade,nor the despondency of the faint-hearted Christian, who believes" that God has forgotten to be gracious." I am sure that His blessing will attend a national return unto His laws and government, and that His condemnation will overwhelm us, if we persist in following after Covetousness. In my last letter but one, I gave you an instance of the awful effects of Covetousness, in the case of Mr. Edmund Ashworth, who, finding that the families of the poor hand-loom weavers had just been enabled to add one farthing a day A to their already wretchedly poor income, (ten per cent. on ten farthings being just an addition of one farthing!) suggested to Mr. Edwin Chadwick the propriety of introducing, under the authority of the New Poor Law Commissioners, your "surplus" population into the factory districts, " to equalize (reduce) the wages" of those poor hand-loom weavers ! You are aware that under great delusion, and the dread of entering those abodes of death, the accursed bastiles, the poor agricultural labourers were persuaded to leave their homes on that sad venture, that they were miserably disappointed, cruelly cheated, and that many of them died in consequence; and that the scheme did answer, that wages were equalized! that the wretched hand-loom weavers lost their "10 per cent. advance," and more, being now reduced, as I proved to you in my last, to a maintenance of from three to eight farthings a day! You know, that now the landlords are taunted by the Leaguers, even in the House of Commons by their parliamentary leaders, with having originated that base and inhuman scheme, by "applying to the manufacturers to relieve them of their surplus population." All these things you know, and knowing them, you might very naturally suppose, that Mr. Edmund Ashworth and his comrades were wicked and cruel beyond other men. See, Sir, the consequences of Covetousness: the school of philosophy in which these men are professors, teaches, that "to make money," "to obtain his own profit, reckless of the profit of others," is the only duty of a manufacturer or a merchant; and that "to make and sell large quantities of goods, on any conditions and by any means, (whether their operatives are remunerated or not,) at the lowest possible price, is a proof of national prosperity." "doing Hence, they are tempted by the evil Spirit to believe that they are God service," when, by inflicting the most excruciating torments on their operatives, they devise and adopt plans to "cheapen commodities," and, by any means, are enabled to undersell their neighbours. The sufferings which their work-people, or their less wealthy or more conscientious neighbours, endure in consequence, they are taught to disregard, it being one of the axioms of their school, that "individuals must suffer in the advancement and progression of science," which they call "Utility." Hence, though in all the concerns of trade these men are totally regardless of the sufferings and wrongs which they inflict on thousands, in other matters they may seem to be tender-hearted, compassionate, and kind. > Their religion and benevolence leave them when they enter their countinghouses and mills, and when they pace the Exchange:- they believe that God has nothing to do with trade "that their own profit" is all that they should aim at there. Then, if, with gains acquired by dishonesty and cruelty, they occasionally give something to the poor or to religious purposes, they flatter them selves that they have fulfilled the law of God. They deem it just to take advantage of the ignorance and poverty of others. This is the language which I have heard from one of the most respectable and "religious" of them-" My object is, to make money by my trade: if a man comes to purchase goods of me, I am justified in deceiving him in their quality, if I can : tional parochial government, for that of centralization; in fine, that all our misery and wretchedness have their origin in selfishness, the love of money, and impatience of Christian and constitutional restraint, I have no doubt; in other words, in the abandonment of the religion of Jesus Christ for that of Malthus, and the adoption of irresponsible liberalism for constitutional responsibility. The two principles must, however, now be tested. The Government which shall, at this crisis, refuse to enter unreservedly and fully upon that inquiry, to probe that question to the bottom, will prove itself incapable, will only be enabled to legislate from hand to mouth, and will, eventually, drive the people from a state of destitution to that of desperation. No middle course can now be tolerated. Falsehood and truth have met together we must no longer halt between two opinions-we must no longer yield to the delusive hope, that jarring elements may be united for the public weal; evasion, or tampering with opposing principles, will only create a lamentable and dangerous increase of that distress and destitution which we all deplore. Do I write thus to alarm? Not I. I believe that the salvation of the country will be consequent on the investigation. I rejoice to think, that there are piety, talent, and nerve sufficient in our governors to steer the vessel of State safely through this storm; and I pray God that he may bless their endeavours, that the result may be, "that righteousness and peace may kiss each other;" and that, hereafter, by progressive improvement, we may arrive at that state, when it may fairly be said, "we have no complaining in our streets." Without His aid, I have no hope. I would urge our governors and all the people, at this important juncture, this time of the nation's extremity, to seek for that knowledge which is from above; may this be the prayer of our Queen :— "And now, O Lord my God, thou hast made Thy servant Queen; and I am but a little child : I know not how to go out or come in. And Thy servant is in the midst of Thy people which thou hast chosen, a great people that cannot be numbered or counted for multitude. Give, therefore, Thy servant an understanding heart to judge Thy people, that I may discern between good and bad: for who is able to judge this Thy so great a people?" And may God, even our own God, give Her Majesty His blessing, even, a wise and understanding heart." For truly we have been brought into such straits and difficulties by listening to the delusive Charmer, rather than to God, that the wisdom of man will fail to extricate us. Nothing, but that wisdom which is from above, can now save this nation from utter ruin. - I dread not the taunt of the Infidel philosophers, let them jeer, nor the pity of the professing Christian, who thinks that I am mad, because I believe that God does interfere in the policy of governments, and in matters of trade, nor the despondency of the faint-hearted Christian, who believes" that God has forgotten to be gracious." I am sure that His blessing will attend a national return unto His laws and government, and that His condemnation will overwhelm us, if we persist in following after Covetousness. In my last letter but one, I gave you an instance of the awful effects of Covetousness, in the case of Mr. Edmund Ashworth, who, finding that the families of the poor hand-loom weavers had just been enabled to add one farthing a day to their already wretchedly poor income, (ten per cent. on ten farthings being just an addition of one farthing!) suggested to Mr. Edwin Chadwick the propriety of introducing, under the authority of the New Poor Law Commissioners, your "surplus" population into the factory districts, " to equalize (reduce) the wages " of those poor hand-loom weavers ! You are aware that under great delusion, and the dread of entering those abodes of death, the accursed bastiles, the poor agricultural labourers were persuaded to leave their homes on that sad venture, that they were miserably disappointed, cruelly cheated, and that many of them died in consequence; and that the scheme did answer, that wages were equalized! that the wretched hand-loom weavers lost their "10 per cent. advance," and more, being now reduced, as I proved to you in my last, to a maintenance of from three to eight farthings a day! You know, that now the landlords are taunted by the Leaguers, even in the House of Commons by their parliamentary leaders, with having originated that base and inhuman scheme, by "applying to the manufacturers to relieve them of their surplus population." All these things you know, and knowing them, you might very naturally suppose, that Mr. Edmund Ashworth and his comrades were wicked and cruel beyond other men. See, Sir, the consequences of Covetousness: the school of philosophy in which these men are professors, teaches, that "to make money," "to obtain his own profit, reckless of the profit of others," is the only duty of a manufacturer or a merchant; and that "to make and sell large quantities of goods, on any conditions and by any means, (whether their operatives are remunerated or not,) at the lowest possible price, is a proof of national prosperity." Hence, they are tempted by the evil Spirit to believe that they are "doing God service," when, by inflicting the most excruciating torments on their operatives, they devise and adopt plans to "cheapen commodities," and, by any means, are enabled to undersell their neighbours. The sufferings which their work-people, or their less wealthy or more conscientious neighbours, endure in consequence, they are taught to disregard, it being one of the axioms of their school, that "individuals must suffer in the advancement and progression of science," which they call "Utility." Hence, though in all the concerns of trade these men are totally regardless of the sufferings and wrongs which they inflict on thousands, in other matters they may seem to be tender-hearted, compassionate, and kind. > Their religion and benevolence leave them when they enter their countinghouses and mills, and when they pace the Exchange:- they believe that God has nothing to do with trade "that their own profit" is all that they should aim at there. Then, if, with gains acquired by dishonesty and cruelty,, they occasionally give something to the poor or to religious purposes, they flatter them selves that they have fulfilled the law of God. They deem it just to take advantage of the ignorance and poverty of others. This is the language which I have heard from one of the most respectable and "religious" of them-" My object is, to make money by my trade: if a man comes to purchase goods of me, I am justified in deceiving him in their quality, if I can: he has no business to buy, if he does not understand the articles; that is his look out, not mine. If a man is poor, and cannot hold his goods, or find a better customer, it is evident that my money is worth more to him, at that moment, than his goods, and I should be a fool if I did not buy them of him as cheap as I can, without reference to their actual worth. He must take the consequences of his own folly and poverty." And when I asked, "Were you poor, would you like a rich man thus to treat you? Is that doing to others as you would that others should do to you?" He laughed, and rejoined, "Oh, Oastler, we never mix religion with trade. [" God is not in all their thoughts."] Our object in trade is to get what money we can." Truly, "they are greedy dogs which can never have enough, they all look to their own way, every one for his gain from his quarter.” I was once talking with one of these Leaguers in his counting-house, after going through his mills (he was a great professor of religion). I told him that his machinery was in most beautiful order, that no expense seemed to be spared to keep it healthy;" but that the numerous factory children in his mill seemed to have no care bestowed upon them; they appeared to be very sickly and care-worn. "Their life is labour, their bodies are used up,' in your service, but their minds and souls are entirely neglected by you." I then alluded to his responsibility to God for the condition and training of those children. His clerks laid down their pens to listen. It was something new, to hear such a lecture in the counting-house of a Manchester cotton-mill. The master seemed struck with my observations, but said, "I set them a good example, and pay them their wages. I am not required to do more." Then, casting his eye towards the clerks, he added, "We never introduce religion here." In fact, Sir, it is the acknowledged principle on the Manchester Exchange, that "Religion has nothing to do with trade." Many a time, I have heard its frequenters say, "If we were to think about Religion in trade, we should soon be beggars." Still, they call themselves Christians! And when, by their unchristian proceedings, they produce misery, the victims of which threaten to retaliate, they turn round upon the landlords, and say, "You did it." It is all Covetousness, Sir, from beginning to end,—it is Covetousness which is the very quintessence of Free Trade. Yes, the only excuse which can be made for the inhuman suggestion of Mr. Edmund Ashworth, is, that the principles of the free trade school are of a nature so hardening, so anti-Christian, that it is impossible they should not destroy every kindly principle in the manufacturing and commercial systems of those who embrace them. Mr. Edmund Ashworth is, I have been told, naturally, of a benevolent disposition, but the dogmas of false philosophy have corrupted his heart. How can it be otherwise, when selfishness. the love of gain is the only foundation on which the scheme of free trade rests! Do I misrepresent? Hear what Mr. M'Culloch himself asserts, in the first part, and the sixth chapter, p. 179, of the Principles of Political Economy:' 6 "Thus, then, we arrive, by a different and more lengthened route, at the same result I have already endeavoured to establish- -THE INEXTINGUISHABLE PASSION FOR GAIN." Again, seventh chapter, same work, p. 191: "THERE ARE NO LIMITS TO THE PASSION FOR ACCUMULATION." |