unprecedented step of electing the delegates to this National Convention a year in advance. The action was bitterly opposed by the anti-Bryan delegates, who urged that the Democrats of the State ought next year to have the right to decide what their course next year should be. Some of Mr. Bryan's supporters recognized the justice of this view, and the plan to nominate at once was adopted by only a narrow majority, on the plea that it had been announced before the primaries were held, and that nothing but inconvenience would result from ordering new primaries next spring. The result of this conflictwhich nearly led to a riot before it was finished is the complete control of the Massachusetts organization by George Fred Williams and the radical silver wing of the party. The platform, which was adopted with singular unanimity, reaffirmed the Chicago platform, pledged allegiance to Mr. Bryan, denounced the war in the Philippines, favored direct legislation and the municipal ownership of natural monopolies, and opposed the legislative sanction of the lease of the Boston and Albany Railroad to the New York Central. Mr. Robert Treat Paine, Jr., was nominated for Governor.

City Officials in Convention

The third annual Convention of the League of American Municipalities, held in Syracuse, N. Y., last week, was notable for the number of good papers read and the civic spirit shown by the officials assembled. The address of President Black, of Columbus, O., with which the Convention opened, illustrated the worth of comparing notes among public servants in different localities. In Ohio, he said, the cost of making gas is practically the same throughout the State, and the city councils everywhere have the right to fix the price of gas every ten years. Yet in several cities the price is from 40 to 100 per cent. higher than in several others where the public has looked into the cost of making gas and insisted on reasonable reductions. Mayor Jones, of Toledo, gave an exhilarating talk upon "Golden Rule Government," urging the advantage of citizens co-operating through their city governments to make city life more healthful, attractive, and elevating. He did

not, however, make a fetich of collective action, but took the common-sense view that we must "let the individual do what the individual can do best, and let the government do what the government can do best." H. J. Gonden, of New York, gave the Convention the results of his investigation of the garbage problem in thirtyseven cities. Only about half of these cities make public provision for the collection of garbage. Mr. Gonden compared the cost where this work was done directly by the public and where it was turned over to contractors, reaching the conclusion that the public did the work itself at less cost and with considerably less corruption. The question of municipal ownership of municipal monopolies, as usual, occupied a great deal of attention, and able papers were read on both sides. Mayor Johnson, of Denver, who made one of the speeches in favor of the municipal ownership of water, light, transportation, and telephone services, was elected President of the League for the ensuing year. Though advocating municipal monopoly, largely because of the exceptional economies which monopoly made possible in this field, Mayor Johnson's paper was especially instructive where he pointed out the benefits of private competition as against private monopoly. Denver, for example, is now paying $120 a year for the unlimited service of a telephone, while in Indianapolis-a city of the same size-the competition of two companies has reduced the rate to $40 a year for business houses and $24 for private residences. The only monopoly by which the public service could be secured, Mayor Johnson said, was one which the public controlled.

co-operative action, and not to discuss for partisan advantage. In view of the dif ferences among the delegates the recommendations on which they were able to agree were rather remarkable for their number and importance. The resolutions unanimously adopted proposed action along the following lines:

1. That contracts in restraint of trade be defined, and that penalties be enacted for individuals and corporations entering into such contracts-" punishment to the corporation to the extent of dissolution."

2. That full public reports be required, not only from domestic corporations, but also from corporations chartered in other States; and that every State shall adopt a license system by which outside corporations shall be subjected to the same restraints as domestic corporations if they would do business within its borders.

3. "That no corporation should hold or own stock in another corporation engaged in a similar or competitive business. . . the object or result of which is to create a trust or monopoly."

4. That wherever stock is issued for more than the amount of capital actually paid in, the shareholders shall be liable to the extent of twice the face value of their stock.

The third of these remedies is the one that deserves the greatest attention, since it proposes for manufacturing corporations restrictions similar to those by which banking corporations in different places are now kept from consolidating. The fear of banking monopolies led the people of the last generation to stipulate that no National bank should even own a branch in another community; and while the restriction has doubtless prevented the establishment of banks in some towns, it has enabled business men nearly everywhere to deal with principals instead of agents when they wished bankers' accommodations, and has kept banks in competition with each other for the business of customers. If the fear of manufacturing monopolies comes to equal the cld fear of banking monopolies, we may expect new legislation along these historic lines. It was somewhat notable that the Conference failed to call for the use of the tax power of the State to prevent over-capitalization. In our opinion, the provision that every corporation shall be taxed upon at least the par value of its securities would accomplish far more to reduce the issues of watered stock than the requirement that its holders shall incur a double lia bility to creditors.

More Rioting Against Negro Miners

There seems to be no end to the Illinois riots against the employment of non-union negro miners. Last week at Carterville, in the southern part of the State, a group of negroes, tired of confinement at the neighboring mines, ventured to the railway station as a train was coming in. The crowd about the station, according to the despatches, immediately set upon them with taunts and threats. The negroes at first retreated toward the mines, but afterwards decided to go back and assert their equal rights. The crowd thereupon became more threatening; one of its number struck the leader of the negroes, and at once there was a general fusillade of pistol-shots-every miner, white and black, seeming to be armed. Four negroes were killed before their party took to flight, and three more were killed before they reached the mines. For a few hours there was danger of a race conflict on a still larger scale, but Governor Tanner, realizing the disgrace which these outbreaks are bringing on the State, promptly despatched a force of militia to the scene, and promised that the whole National Guard should be called upon if necessary to bring to justice those guilty of the "wholesale murder." On this occasion the Governor's attitude was that which the situation demanded, and the present prospects are that law and order will be upheld. Nevertheless, the hatred remaining between the white and the colored miners is such that murder may again result. troubles began, it will be recalled, when some of the Illinois miners refused to accept the decision of the board of arbitration for the settlement of the miners' strike, and imported negroes from the South to take the strikers' places. Beginning with the outbreak at Pana just a year ago, thirteen whites and fifteen negroes have been killed, and about twice these numbers wounded. Had white nonunionists taken union miners' places under such circumstances, the bitterness would have been intense, and the addition of race feeling to union feeling has made each restoration of order simply an armed truce. The situation demands martial law until the unions recognize that their only hope lies in unionizing instead of terrorizing the negroes.

The

New York's Reformed Primaries

The results last week of the Republican and Democratic primaries in this city proved the value of the new law in enabling the voters to curb the despotism of the machine. The primaries were held on the same day, in the polling places used in regular elections, the two parties meeting separately in alternate election districts. Every voter who had signified his party preference at the time of registration was entitled to vote, and the fear of prosecution for illegal voting and false counting made these weapons of the machine of less avail than usual. The supreme interest centered in the Democratic district where Mr. John C. Sheehan fought for the leadership, as the avowed opponent of Mr. Croker, and Mr. Croker's lieutenants used every means to defeat him-down to the issue of false ballots to divide the Sheehan vote. spite of these tactics, Mr. Sheehan won by a considerable majority, and the unpopularity of Mr. Croker's rule within his own party was signally demonstrated. At the present time the choice of the voters at the primaries is limited to the choice of delegates to represent them in the party councils, but in Brooklyn the Young Men's Republican Club has demanded that the next step be taken and the voters be allowed to choose directly their candidates for all public offices. This enthronement of the voters above the machine is permissible under the new law whenever the local machine is forced to grant it; and the demand of the Young Republicans of Brooklyn, if persisted in, may soon make New York primaries what they should be -the place where the citizens of each party choose their candidates by direct vote, instead of merely choosing which politicians shall choose for them.

That

time classes to accommodate the pupils who have prepared for them. It is estimated that six thousand children may be excluded from the schools of the city for lack of room. That, in view of the large increase, the Boards of Education have so nearly met the city's need is proof that the near future will see New York's greatest disgrace, lack of schools, removed. the pressure for room is felt in the high schools, the Normal and the city colleges, proves the advance in the educational standards of the citizens; it removes the reproach from the system that amplest provision was made where there was the least demand. The solution of the immediate problem as to room in the primary grades, made last year by Dr. Maxwell, the Superintendent of Schools, is again offered, that rooms be hired on every block in the crowded sections of the city and equipped as kindergartens. This would provide for thousands of children now crowded into grade work, and would give opportunity for kindergarten training to hundreds of children who cannot go two or three blocks to a crowded school alone. Kindergartens away from a crowded building where the "lock-step" begins at the door would permit a more natural atmosphere for little children, who rarely are fitted for grade work under six years of age. Should the Boards of Education act at once on this suggestion, it is possible that there would be room for every child of school age in the city of New York.

Charles P. Daly

Judge Daly, who died on

Monday of last week, was not only one of the ablest lawyers and judges the State of New York has known, but a man of varied and brilliant attainments in other than legal matters, and one of notably forceful character-a fine type of the American citizen, self-made in a high sense. Although he began life as the son of an immigrant Irish carpenter and was for three years a sailor before the mast, he seized advantages of education so rapidly that he was admitted to the bar when twenty-three years old, was sent to the Legislature when twenty-seven, and became a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas when twenty-eight. All this he did almost or quite without assistance, earning his living as a clerk or by a trade

while a student, and spending his nights in study and reading. It is related that in 1851 Judge Daly met the Duke of Wellington in England. "You are much too young," said the Duke to him, "to have reached a high place on the benchmuch too young." "I owe my position," replied Judge Daly, "to one of those accidents of fortune to which your Grace owes so little." I recall my criticism,' said the Duke, grimly; " you are doubtless where you belong." This instance of tact and readiness may be coupled with Humboldt's tribute to the universality of Judge Daly's intellect and knowledge: This man of high character and intellect is not wanting in a lively interest for the fine arts and even for poetry. I have led him from conversations on slavery, Mormonism, and Canadian feudalism to the question so important to me—whether anything can be expected from the elegant literature of a nation of which the noblest productions have their root in a foreign country." As a scientist Judge Daly's attainments were of a high order; he was President of the American Geographical Society for thirty-six years, an honorary member of the London, Berlin, and St. Petersburg Geographical Societies, and an officer or member of many American scientific bodies. As a judge he served continuously for forty-two years-the longest judicial term of service recorded in this State. A list of merely the important decisions rendered by him would indeed be a long one; notable among them as still forming an important part of law interpretation were those relating to the nature of the law of eviction, the statute of frauds, the origin of surnames, the legal definition of a hotel, the law of trademarks, the law of telegraphs, the law as to fraudulent fees, the appointment of Police Justices by the Mayor of New York, and others of local or State moment.

multiplying signs that the leaders of Tammany Hall are in danger of losing their following, have produced a sudden change in the city officials. They are now one and all in favor of the municipal ownership sanctioned by the voters, by a majority of three to one, in 1894. Corporation Counsel Whalen, whose refusal to approve the contracts prepared by the Rapid Transit Commission has kept matters at a standstill for a year, now writes the Commission that the city is financially able to undertake the work, and offers all the assistance in his power to expedite it. He makes various suggestions as to how the plans should be altered so as to give city officials control of the condemnation of property, so as to conform with new laws providing for a living wage to all workmen on public works, so as to provide for electrical and other subways within the proposed tunnel, and so as to serve an important section of the city-between the Brooklyn Bridge and South Ferry

now unprovided for. The Commission has replied, expressing its readiness to accept at once the changes required by the new labor laws, and to make later, with the consent of the Legislature, the changes requisite for subways and extra lines; but pointing out rather sharply that the attempt to make all the changes before giving out the contracts would greatly delay work, and that the proposal of the Corporation Counsel to begin the work in the sparsely settled region at the northern extremity of the road would make any revenue impossible until the work was nearly completed. The Corporation Counsel, however, is reported as expressing pleasure with this reply, and renewing his assurance to the public that no further hitch will be tolerated. The public hopes that these assurances will continue to be as unqualified when the fall elections are over and the possibility of independent political movements is less imminent.