THE DEATH OF QUEEN ELIZABETH, WITH HER DECLARATION OF HER SUCCESSOR. MSS.

About the Friday sevenight after Christmas last, being about the 14th of January, 1602, in the 45th year of her reign, the late queen about two days before sickened of a colde, (being ever forewarned by Doctor Dee, to beware of White-hall,) and the said 14th day removed to Richmond; but a little before her going, even the same morning, the Earle of Nottingham, high admiral of England, coming to her, partly to speak with her as concerning her removall, and partly touching other matters, wherein her pleasure and direction was to be knowne, they fell into some speech of the succession; and then she told him that her seate had been ever the throne of kings, and none but her next heir of blood and descent should succeed her. After falling into other matters, they left that speech, and she departed to Richmond; where she was well amended of the cold. But on Monday the 20th of February, she begann to sicken againe, and so continued till Monday the 7th of March, at which time notice was given to the lords of the councell, that she was sick of a cold, and so she continued sick till Tuesday the 15th of March following; after which day she began somewhat to amend. But the 18th of March following being Friday, she began to be very ill, whereupon the lords of the councell were sent for to Richmond, and there continued till Wednesday the 24th of March, about three of the clock in the morning (being our Lady even) at which time she died; but on Tuesday before her death, being the 23d of March, the lord admirall being on the right side of the bed, the lord keeper at the left, and Mr. Secretary Cecill (after Earle of Salisbury) at the beds feete; all standing.

The lord admirall put her in mind of her speech, concerning the succession, had at White-hall; and that they, in the name of all the rest of her councell, came unto her to knowe her pleasure who should succeede. Whereunto she thus replyed: "I told you my seat had been the seat of kings, and I will have no rascall to succeed me, and who should succeed me, but a king?"

The lords not understanding this darke speech, and looking the one on the other, at length Mr. Secretary boldly asked her, what she meant by these words, "That no rascall should succeed her?" whereunto she replyed, "That her mean

ing was, that a king should succeed her, and who," quoth she, "should that be, but our cozen of Scotland."

They asked her whether that were her absolute resolution? whereunto she answered, "I pray you trouble me no more, I'll have none but him"; with which answer they departed. Notwithstanding, after again, about four a clock in the afternoon, the next day, being Wednesday, (after the archbishopp of Canterbury and other divines had been with her, and left her in a manner speechlesse), the three lords aforesaid repaired unto her againe, asking her if she remained in her former resolution, and who should succeed her; but she not being able to speak, was asked by Mr. Secretary in this sort, wee beseech your majesty if you remain in your former resolution, and that you would have the King of Scots to succeed you in your kingdom, shewe some sign unto us; whereat suddenly heaveing herself upwards in the bed, and putting her arms out of bed, she held both her hands jointly together over her head in manner of a crown, whereby as they guessed she signified, that she did not only wish him the kingdome, but desired the continuance of his estate, after which they departed.

And the next morning (as is aforesaid) she dyed. Immediately after her death, all the lords, as well of the councell as other noblemen that were at the courte, came from Richmond to White-hall by six o'clock in the morning, where other noblemen that were at London met them; but as they began to sitt in councell in the privy chamber at White-hall, the lord keeper, (Sir Thomas Egerton,) and the rest of the councell that were no barons, offered to sitt at the lower end of the councell table, and not above any of the meanest nobility: but the noblemen, in respect of their former authority, called them to the higher end of the table, and wished them to keepe their places; whereunto the lord keeper answered, viz. If it be your lordshipps pleasure, wee will do so, but that is more of your courtesies then we can demand of duty; and so they sat downe, every man according to his degree in councell; touching the succession, where after some speech had of divers competitors and matters of state, at length the lord admirall rehearsed all the aforesaid premises, which the late queen had spoken to him, and to the lord keeper, and Mr. Secretary, with the manner thereof; which they being asked, did affirme to be true upon their honours.

(Somers' Collection of Historical Tracts, ed. cit., I, 246.)

CHAPTER XIX

ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN

144. Hawkins' Third Voyage

Hakluyt

The activities of the Elizabethan seamen who bore the banner of England north, south, and west, and defied the power of Spain, the then lord of the New World, found their historian in RICHARD HAKLUYT (circa 1553-1616). The greatest of his works is The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation (London, 1598-1600). "It is an invaluable treasure of material for the history of geographical discovery and colonization." Various editions are accessible. I have selected four accounts of voyages, each typical of the enterprise of the sea-rovers, who traversed many oceans in quest of slaves, treasure, discovery of a passage to Cathay, or spots on which to found colonies. The first of these voyages is that of Sir John Hawkins, told by that seaman himself. John Hawkins (circa 1532-1595) was Vice-Admiral in the time of the Armada, and before that day had been untiring in voyages of exploration. These were often extremely lucrative, as he secured large cargoes of slaves. His third voyage, of which the following is the account, is illustrative of one of the expeditions made for the latter purpose. In this traffic he did not stand alone among his contemporaries.

The Third troublesome Voyage made with the Jesus of Lubeck, the Minion, and four other ships, to the parts of Guinea and the West Indies, in the years 1567 and 1568, by Master JOHN HAWKINS.

The ships departed from Plymouth, the 2nd day of October, Anno 1567, and had reasonable weather until the seventh day. At which time, forty leagues north from Cape Finisterre, there arose an extreme storm, which continued four days, in such sort, that the fleet was dispersed, and all our great boats lost; and the Jesus, our chief ship, in such case as not thought able to serve the voyage. Whereupon in the same storm we set our course homeward, determining to give over the voyage. But the eleventh day of the same month, the wind changed with fair weather, whereby we

were animated to follow our enterprise, and so did, directing our course with the islands of the Canaries, where, according to an order before prescribed, all our ships before dispersed, met at one of those islands, called Gomera, where we took water, and departed from thence on the 4th day of November, towards the coast of Guinea, and arrived at Cape Verde, on the 18th day of November: where we landed 150 men, hoping to obtain some negroes, where we got but few, and those with great hurt and damage to our men, which chiefly proceeded of their envenomed arrows. And although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawn of them, but died in strange sort, with their mouths shut some ten days before they died, and after their wounds were whole; where I myself had one of the greatest wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped. From thence we passed the time upon the coast of Guinea, searching with all diligence the rivers from Rio Grande unto Sierra Leone, till the 12th of January, in which time we had not gotten together a hundred and fifty negroes. Yet notwithstanding, the sickness of our men and the late time of the year commanded us away: and thus having nothing wherewith to seek the coast of the West Indies, I was with the rest of our company in consultation to go to the cost of the Mine, hoping there to have obtained some gold for our wares, and thereby to have defrayed our charge. But even in that present instant, there came to us a negro, sent from a king, oppressed by other kings his neighbours, desiring our aid, with promise that as many negroes as by these wars might be obtained, as well of his part as of ours, should be at our pleasure. Whereupon we concluded to give aid, and sent 120 of our men, which on the 15th of January assaulted a town of the negroes of our allies' adversaries. which had in it 8,000 inhabitants, being very strongely impaled and fenced after their manner. But it was so well defended, that our men prevailed not, but lost six men and forty hurt so that our men sent forthwith to me for more help. Whereupon, considering that the good success of this enterprise might highly further the commodity of our voyage. I went myself, and with the help of the king of our side, assaulted the town, both by land and by sea and very hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry palm leaves) obtained the town and put the inhabitants to flight, where we took 250 persons, men, women, and children, and by our friend the king of our side, there were taken 600 prisoners,

But the negro

whereof we hoped to have had our choice. (in which nation is seldom or never found truth) meant nothing less for that night he removed his camp and prisoners, so that we were fain to content us with those few which we had gotten ourselves.

Now had we obtained between four and five hundred negroes, wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seek the coast of the West Indies; and there, for our negroes, and other our merchandise, we hoped to obtain whereof to countervail our charges with some grains. Whereunto we proceeded with all diligence, furnished our watering, took fuel, and departed the cost of Guinea on the 3d of February, continuing at the sea with a passage more hard than before hast been accustomed till the 27th day of March, which day we had sight of an island, called Dominica, upon the coast of the West Indies, in fourteen degrees. From thence we coasted from place to place, making our traffic with the Spaniards as we might, somewhat hardly, because the king had straitly commanded all his governors in those parts by no means to suffer any trade to be made with us. Notwithstanding, we had reasonable trade, and courteous entertainment, from the Isle of Margarita unto Cartagena, without anything greatly worth the noting, saving at Capo de la Vela, in a town called Rio de la Hacha, from whence come all the pearls. The treasurer, who had the charge there, would by no means agree to any trade, or suffer us to take water. He had fortified his town with divers bulwarks in all places where it might be entered, and furnished himself with a hundred arquebusiers, so that he thought by famine to have inforced us to have put on land our negroes. Of which purpose he had not greatly failed, unless we had by force entered the town; which (after we could by no means obtain his favour) we were enforced to do, and so with two hundred men brake in upon their bulwarks, and entered the town with the loss only of two men of our part, and no hurt done to the Spaniards, because after their volley of shot discharged, they all fled. Thus having the town with some circumstance, as partly by the Spaniards' desire of negroes, and partly by friendship of the treasurer, we obtained a secret trade: whereupon the Spaniards resorted to us by night, and bought of us to the number of 200 negroes. In all other places where we traded the Spanish inhabitants were glad of us and traded willingly.

(Hakluyt, as. ed. by J. A. Payne in Voyages of the Elizabethan Seamen Lond. 1880. p. 52.)