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of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and that according to the tenor of the indentures whereby I am returned to serve in this present Parliament, I will not propose, or consent to alter the government as it is settled in a sole person and the Parliament."

Our Norfolk members did not presently subscribe, saving only Mr. Frere, who instantly subscribed it. The rest of our members did most of us dine together, purposely to consult what was fitted to be done in so great an exigent, in order to the discharge of our trust. And, truly, the subscription was, in effect, no more than what we were restrained unto by our Indentures, and the thing would be done without us, and we had fairly contended for it: we had not given the question, but it was forced from us, and we were told that plainly it must be so. For these and several other considerations and reasons, which we thought ought to prevail with men preferring the peace of our countries and the safety of our people immediately concerned in this affair, before passions. and humours, we thought fit rather to give way to the present necessity, and to comply with it by submitting than refusing. Accordingly we did subscribe, all except Mr. Woodhouse, Mr. Hobart, and Mr. Church. And although we condemn the breach of privilege as much as any, yet we doubt not but to acquit ourselves to God, and to our country, in so doing, rather than to put the nation into another combustion and confusion.

After we had subscribed, we went into the House, and after some expressions of tenderness and respects to our fellow members without, we adjourned until Thursday morning; the next day, Wednesday, being the Fast.

(An Account of the Parliament of 1654 from the Journal of Guibon Goddard, in Diary of Thomas Burton, ed. G. T. Ruth, Lond., 1828, vol. I, p. 32.)

169. Cromwell and the Kingship

Kennett

That Cromwell desired to be king seems, in this day, fully established. When matters had been so arranged that the crown seemed within his grasp, and while the voice of the army had not yet been raised to warn him that his acceptance of the kingship would lead to his overthrow, Cromwell took counsel with his intimates upon the wisdom of the step. The following account of his interview with Whitlock is most characteristic.

Upon this juncture Cromwell advises with Commissioner Whitlock how to maintain all things in order and obedience; "What if a man should take upon him to be King?" Whit

lock, "I think that remedy would be worse than the disease." Cromwell, "Why do you think so?" Whitlock, “As to your own person the title of king would be of no advantage, because you have the full kingly power in you already concerning the militia, as you are general. As to the nomination of civil officers, those whom you think fittest are seldom refused: and altho' you have no negative vote in the passing of laws, yet what you dislike will not easily be caried; and the taxes are already settled and in your power to dispose the money raised. And as to foreign affairs, tho' the ceremonial application be made to the Parliament, yet the expectation of good or bad success in it is from your Excellency; and particular solicitations of foreign ministers are made to you only. So that I apprehend indeed less envy and danger and pomp, but not less power and real opportunities of doing good in your being general, than would be if you had assumed the title of king." Cromwell went on to argue, that whoever was actually king by election, the acts done by him were as lawful and justifiable as if done by a king who had the crown by inheritance; and that by an act of Parliament in Henry VII's time, it was safer for the people to act under a king (let his title be what it will) than under any other power.

Whitlock agreed to the legality, but questioned the expediency of it; and being asked what danger he apprehended, answered thus, "The danger I think would be this: one of the main points of controversy between us and our adversaries is whether the government of this nation shall be established in monarchy or in free state or a commonwealth; and most of our friends have engaged with us upon the hopes of having the government settled in a free state; and to effect that, have undergone all their hazards and difficulties. They being persuaded (tho' I think much mistaken) that under the government of a commonwealth they shall enjoy more liberty and right, both as to their spiritual and civil concernments than they shall under monarchy, the pressures and dislikes whereof are so fresh in their memories and sufferings. Now if your Excellency shall take upon you the title of king, this state of your cause will be thereby wholly determined, and monarchy established in your person, and the question will be no more, whether our government shall be by a monarch or by a free state, but whether Cromwell or Stuart shall be our king or 'monarch? And that question wherein before so great parties of the nation were engaged, and

which was universal, will by this means become in effect a private controversy only. Before it was national, what kind of government we should have? Now it will become particular, who shall be governour? Whether of the family of he Stuarts or of the family of the Cromwells? Thus the state of our controversy being totally changed, all those who were for a commonwealth (and they are a very great and considerable party) having their hopes therein frustrate, will desert you; your hands will be weakened, your interests straightened, and your cause in apparent danger to be ruined." Cromwell confessed he spoke reason, and desired to know if he could find any other expedient. Whitlock, after suggesting the danger he was in from his own officers and from the Parliament, who were plotting to bring him down, or to clip his wings, proceeded thus: "Pardon me, Sir, in the next place, a little to consider the condition of the King of Scots. This prince being now by your valour, and the success which God has given to the Parliament, and to the army under your command, reduced to a very low condition, both he and all about him cannot but be very inclinable to hearken to any terms, whereby their last hopes may be revived of his being restored to the crown, and they to their fortunes and native country. By a private treaty with him, you may secure yourself and your friends, and their fortunes: you may make yourself and prosterity as great and permanent, to all human probability, as ever any subject was, and provide for your friends. You may put such limits to monarchical power, as will secure our spiritual and civil liberties: and you may secure the cause in which we are all engaged. And this may be effectually done, by having the power of the militia continued in yourself, and whom you shall agree upon after you."

Cromwell adjourned the discourse to some farther time, and went off with a countenance and carriage of displeasure. And Whitlock says, "That Cromwell's carriage toward him from that time was altered, and his advising with him not so frequent and intimate as before; and, that it was not long after, he found an occasion, by an honourable employment, to send him out of the way, that he might be no obstacle or impediment to his ambitious designs." For certainly Cromwell in his thoughts and intentions, was for bringing the crown upon his own head; and it was a great providence that his friends would not permit him to have his own way. However, to carry it as far as it would bear, he and his

officers were always complaining of the grievance of the Long Parliament, and were zealous and loud in recommending to the people the common pretences of right and justice, and public liberty, to put a period to their session; and if they would not shortly do it themselves, the army and the people must do it for them.

(Compleat History of England, ed. W. Kennett, 2nd ed., Lond., 1719, III, 204.)

170. Richard Cromwell becomes Lord Protector

Kennet

At the death of Oliver Cromwell, his son Richard was called to office. The following selection gives the proclamation made at the installation, and also gives a very valuable account of the character of the new ruler.

Whereas it has pleased the most wise God in his providence to take out of this world the most serene and renowned Oliver, late Ld. Protector of his Commonwealth: And his highness having in his life-time, according to the Humble Petition and Advice declared and appointed the most noble and illustrious the Lord Richard, eldest son of his late Highness, to succeed him in the government of these nations, we therefore of the Privy Council, together with the LordMayor, aldermen and citizens of London, the officers of the army, and numbers of other principal gentlemen, do now hereby with one full voice and consent of tongue and heart, publish and declare the said noble and illustrious Lord Richard to be rightful Protector of this Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, and the dominions and territories thereto belonging: To whom we do acknowledge all fidelity and constant obedience, according to law, and the said Humble Petition and Advice, with all hearty and humble affections beseeching the Lord, by whom princes rule, to bless him with long life, and these nations with peace and happiness under his government.

(signed)

Richard Chiverton, Mayor.
Henry Laurence, President.
And 27 others.

God save his Highness Richard Lord Protector.

Then the Council proceeded to give the oath of government to the new Protector, who published a proclamation for all officers to continue in their places; and the master of the ceremonies was ordered to acquaint all foreign ministers

with the death of the late Protector, and the succession of his son Richard; which soon brought over many new ambassadors and envoys from the neighbour princes and States, all admitted with due ceremony to a solemn audience given by his Highness, to condole the death of his father, and to congratulate his succession to the government; while infinite adresses came up from all parts of the three kingdoms, to compliment the new Protector with mighty professions of public joy and satisfaction, and with solemn resolutions and promises of adhering to him against all his enemies. And indeed the general exultation of the people and armies was so very great upon this new succession, that it must be imputed more to the common sense of deliverance from one tyrant, than to their hopes or expectations from this other Protector; who was raised to the government without any respect or good opinion in the minds of the people or the soldiers. For he had been neither a military man nor a statesman; rather an honest country gentleman, bred to privacy and sports, and willing to serve his neighbours, and even the cavaliers, by the little interest he had in his father's court. His own father seemed to have the least affection and lowest opinion of this son, among all his other children: He never trusted him in any command, nor employed him in any true business: He made him indeed Chancellor of Oxford, and put him at the top of the other House in Parliament: but this was rather for the honour of his family, than for the love of his son. He never let him into any secrets of policy nor any arts of war; and therefore it is plain, he never designed him for his successor, because he never trained him up to it.

(Kennett, ed. cit., III, p. 228.)

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