NEW ZEALAND

UNDER FEMALE FRANCHISE

THE politicians of New Zealand are allowed a free hand by the banks and mortgage companies, who really rule the colony, in all abstract political questions. Provided that they do not attempt to interfere with the Banking Monopoly, or to make the Post Office Savings Bank the convenience it might be, or to issue banknotes, or take possession of the millions of unclaimed deposits belonging to intestates on which the banks are now largely depending, or so legislate as to compel absentee owners to cut up their properties and sell to those who would occupy their holdings, our rulers permit Ministers—their Ministers to amuse themselves and the public by any little experiments that may serve to fill up the regular three months of the parliamentary session before hurrying through the Estimates and passing the Appropriation Bill. Especially do they look with favour on legislation which hinders small men from beginning any business, which tends to throw monopolies into the hands of large firms, and which prevents the formation of a class of people who have small but independent fortunes, and who can live and trade without overdrafts or mortgages. Our huge pawnshops, miscalled banks, with their branches in every little village, spread their nets far and wide, pervade every degree of our social life,' and are the real rulers of the country. Amongst other little amusements of our legislators was the annual introduction of a Bill for conferring the franchise upon For two or three years this Bill had passed the House of Representatives, and had been thrown out by the Legislative Council. There was absolutely no wish for the franchise amongst the immense majority of the women, even up to a few weeks before the passing of the Act. There were a few 'wild women,' as they were called, mostly fanatical Prohibitionists, who formed associations in the principal towns, and had meetings attended by perhaps thirty or forty women out of a population of fifty thousand, but they had no appreciable influence over the majority of their sex. I can well remember that

women.

1 I know an instance of a country schoolmaster, whose total income is under 1007. a year, who has a banking account!

when the Electoral Bill was actually passing through the Lower House, it was impossible for me, although I took some trouble about the matter, to find one woman in favour of granting the franchise, and yet thousands signed the petitions in favour of it.

Unfortunately a few Conservative politicians, and notably Sir John Hall, who was formerly Premier, thought that the women's vote would strengthen the Conservative party. Then, again, the fanatical Prohibitionists, who had already obtained Local Option, finding that it would be impossible to abolish public-houses by the votes of the males, set themselves to work, with all the frantic energy produced by nervous systems diseased by alcohol, on behalf of the female. franchise. In every town electorate, the Prohibitionists found a small but very resolute minority, who worked with extraordinary vigour during the late session, and made 'wobbling' members understand that the Prohibitionist vote would depend on how the member voted on this question. Thus many members who were really opposed to the Female Franchise, but who felt sure that it would be thrown out by the Legislative Council, voted for it. The Ministry found it expedient to take up the question. Previously it had always been an open question, and although in the session of 1892 the present Premier, Mr. R. J. Seddon, had professed to be in favour of it, no one believed then, or believes now, that he really desired it. It was at best' a leap in the dark.' Its most strenuous advocates were the Prohibitionists, and it was not very likely that an ex-publican would look very fondly on a measure which they advocated in the interest of their own opinions.

However, clauses were introduced into the Electoral Bill which expressly conferred the franchise on women. To the very last it was confidently hoped and believed that the opponents of the measure in the Legislative Council would be able to throw it out notwithstanding that the present Ministry had swamped the Council with twelve new members. But at the last moment one or two, who were known to be opponents of the measure and of the Ministry, determined to play the Ministry a trick, and, by voting for the Bill and against the amendment restricting the suffrage to males, compel Ministers either to accept a measure which they feared and disliked, or make use of the prerogative to veto it.

So it passed the Legislative Council. Even then there were persons who thought that the Governor might justly decline to give the royal assent to such a revolutionary measure, the like of which had never been known before in any British colony. He might fairly have alleged that no such measure was contemplated in the royal instructions, that it changed the basis of political power as no mere extension of the franchise to males had ever done, and that its introduction of a new element into our political system justified him in withholding the Bill for her Majesty's consent.

But these hopes, or fears, were ill founded. The Governor, the Earl of Glasgow, a captain in the Royal Navy, had received one snub from the Secretary of State for hesitating to grant the claim for twelve new appointments to the Legislative Council-about an equivalent to a demand for the creation of one hundred and fifty peers in a batch-and he was not disposed to incur the risk of another snub. The Ministers were bound to advise him to give the royal assent, and so a measure which no one but a few fanatics and a few Conservative politicians really desired, and which at the very least ninety-five per cent. of the population neither desired nor approved of, was passed into law.

At first it seemed as if none of the women would apply to be registered. In that mysterious way in which fashions are communicated, or obnoxious persons of their own sex sent to Coventry, it was made known that no woman who aspired to be anybody would take part in the election proceedings. Notwithstanding the most vigorous canvassing, only a very small number were enrolled. But as it was evident that by this process of abstention the fanatics would gain all the advantage, the moderate men and Conservatives, even those most opposed to giving women the vote, set themselves to work, both privately and by means of the Press, to urge upon the women to register, and exercise the privilege that had been conferred on them. It is not possible at present to say how many women have been added to the electoral roll of the colony, but in each of the larger towns several thousands have been registered.

The question is, How many will vote, and how will they vote? I am writing on the eve of the election, and it is impossible even to make a plausible guess at the result of to-morrow's poll, because no one can form the least idea how the women will vote. Some married men who have been accustomed to rule their households despotically, and whose womenkind tremble before their frown, do not hesitate to say that their women will vote in compliance with the commands of their paterfamilias. But it is certain that it is just in these families, which are rare enough nowadays, that the women will avail themselves of the secrecy of the ballot, and vote as it pleases them. The unwonted sense of freedom will be gratified by for once at least going in direct opposition to the will of the domestic tyrant. But in the vast majority of houses the girls will vote one way, and probably the father and mother another. It must be remembered that we have in New Zealand universal suffrage, the only limitations being that the elector must have resided twelve months in the colony and three in the electoral district. No one can have more than one vote, although he may have property in a dozen electoral districts. He must not, knowingly, be registered in more than one district.

The two questions, and it may be said the only questions, in

which women are interested are Prohibition and Secular Education. You have in England the Prohibition question, and there is no need for any explanation on that head. You have, probably, just the same class of rabid fanatics as we have here-people who are dangerous monomaniacs. There are a few who believe in entire prohibition (of course without compensation), without any personal interest in the matter. But the immense majority of Prohibitionists are either reformed drunkards, who dread even the smell of alcohol, or those whose relatives are, or have been, drunkards, and who have suffered in consequence. The female Prohibitionists may be said to consist exclusively of the latter class, and their bitter hatred of the publican's trade may be easily understood. But how bitter it is few know. I met a young married woman a few days after the Electoral Bill had passed, and asked her what she would vote for first of all. To have an Act of Parliament passed to burn down every public-house in New Zealand!' was the reply. At first I thought she was jesting, but it was soon evident that she was terribly in earnest; for her mother, who was present, gravely argued against this view of the case. The fact was that the young woman's husband was a sailor.

There is no doubt that the candidates who have pledged themselves to prohibition will receive a very large portion of the female vote.

The question of altering our system of public education is also one that greatly agitates the women. At present it is free, compulsory, and absolutely secular. There is no Bible-reading in schools allowed, and no instruction is given in religion. Even history is not made a pass subject. For some time past there has been growing up amongst thinking men a very strong opinion that bringing up children without any knowledge of Christianity, and without any teaching of an authoritative code of morals, has produced, and is producing, a most undesirable state of things. A whole generation has now grown to manhood, to the majority of whom the simplest facts of the early history of Christianity are as unknown as the facts of early Chinese history.

They never read the Bible at school, and there is no such book at home; they never go to a Sunday-school, or to church except to look after some girl; and they are as destitute of any religious sentiment as a horse or a cow. They are not heathens-they have no religion at all. They would not call themselves Agnostics, because they do not know the meaning of the word, but in the literal sense they are Agnostics.

It has been urged by a very few, nearly all of whom are Roman Catholics, to give a grant to private schools which comply with the rules and follow the standards of the Education Department. The Catholics urge that they cannot in good conscience send their children to the secular schools, and that it is unjust that they, as

taxpayers, should pay their share of the expenses of the secular schools without deriving any benefit therefrom.2

The scheme for endowing denominational schools is at present outside practical politics. There is hardly a candidate who dares to say that he will vote for it.

The scheme of Bible lessons adopted many years ago by the Irish Education Board has, however, received the approval of the majority of the clergy of the Church of England, of the Presbyterians, and, I believe, of the Methodists. The other Nonconformist bodies hold aloof from this plan or are opposed to it.

But the women are vehement advocates of the education system as it exists, without alteration. The reason is simple. In every family there is a child who either is a teacher or hopes to become one, and they have taken up the belief that any approach to the denominational system will ruin the public-school system, and so destroy their means of living. It is quite useless to point out to them that, as all the children must go to school, as many teachers will be required under the denominational system as under the present one; they will listen to no reason; they will vote against any candidate who even proposes to allow the Irish Scripture lessons to be read in schools.

On these two points the female vote will be practically unanimous, and will go against the Ministerial candidates. For at the close of last session the Premier, goaded to desperation by the Prohibitionists. on the one hand, and the licensed victuallers, brewers, and banks on the other, brought in a Bill which virtually assured the continuance of licences for three years, and thus gave permanency and value to what had hitherto been only an annual licence, revocable at the will of the Licensing Committee.

By this Act the whole of the electors are to vote once every three years, in their electoral districts, on the questions-(1) Shall any licences be granted in this district? (2) Shall the number of licensed houses be diminished? (3) Shall the number of licensed houses be increased? It is provided by the Act that unless at least one half of the electors on the roll vote there shall be no change, and unless three-fifths of those voting approve of the change none shall take place; but if the number voting for the total abolition of licensed houses and those voting for their diminution shall together amount to three-fifths of the total voters, then the number shall be diminished.

By this plan it will require at least three-tenths of the total number of electors on the roll to vote for the abolition of licensed houses before that change can be made. In a few country electorates it might be possible to get that number to vote; but on the whole the Prohibitionists are furious with the Act, and require the

2 We have no Education rates here; the whole cost of the State schools is defrayed out of the Consolidated Fund and endowments.