of the value of such a visitor and predicted that a woman would prove a coal chute' for giving away county supplies; but they gradually came to depend upon her suggestions and advice." Later Miss Lathrop was appointed by the Government a member of the Illinois State Board of Charities. Her intimate knowledge of the lives of the people among whom she lived enabled her to fulfill her duties as a member of this Board with not only intelligence based on wide knowledge, but with also that human understanding which too often is lacking in those who fill such official positions. Miss Lathrop's influence in the securing of laws for the improvement of social conditions and in the enforcement of such laws has been very considerable. She is a trustee of Vassar College, from which she graduated about twenty years ago. Those who are familiar with her work have no hesitation in saying that she has shown herself a woman with marked administrative ability. She certainly has a very difficult task before her-not merely the organization of a new Bureau, but the creation of a new Governmental organism. Through her the Government will be undertaking to do what it has never done before. The fact that the Bureau has in one sense no power, but simply gathers and circulates information, will not prevent it from becoming an exceedingly important part of the Executive branch of the Federal Government. It is to be hoped that Congress will appropriate sufficient money to enable Miss Lathrop to lay an adequate foundation for the future work of the Bureau.

years ago the place of leader has been vacant. It has now been filled by the election of Mr. Frederic C. Howe. For years Mr. Howe has been identified with that movement, so very evident in this country, which may be called the democratization of all life. He is one of those men who believe thoroughly that this world was not made for a favored few; that its resources, material and spiritual, its land, its art, its love of liberty, its joy in living, are designed for the benefit of the multitude. America needs such men. It needs men to show us that our cities are not merely places in which to make money, but places in which to live. For several years Mr. Howe was associated with Mayor Johnson in the government of Cleveland, Ohio. He has been on the Finance Commission and the Tax Commission of that city. He was also for a time a member of the Ohio Senate. He is a graduate of Johns Hopkins and was a student at the University of Halle, Germany. He has written a number of books, all of them bearing upon the problems of democracy. As our readers already know, Mr. Howe has prepared a series of articles 66 on 'City

Sense," to be published during the coming year in The Outlook. In these articles he will tell our readers what Germany has to teach us with regard to making cities fit places for happy and efficient living.

In Europe and Africa

as

important any branches of the Government are these voluntary associations through which America particularly chooses to act for the public welfare. Indeed, some of these societies perform what are really Governmental functions. They do things which in other lands are done by Government agencies. Such an organization is the People's Institute in New York City. The leader of that Institute until his death was Mr. Charles Sprague Smith. His executive ability, his wide interests, his understanding of common men, his ambition for public service, and his wisdom in drawing upon the intelligence of others, were all utilized in making of the People's Institute a great center for social action. Ever since Mr. Smith's death two

most satisfactory measure ever offered to Ireland, and moved its acceptance; whereupon the whole assembly rose and cheered. When Mr. Redmond added that he wished to speak not only for the Irish party, but for the Irish people, there was another and even more enthusiastic demonstration. A grandson of Mr. Gladstone who spoke was wildly cheered; and, by resolution, the Irish Nationalist members of Parliament were authorized to decide on all amendments which would be proposed while the bill is under discussion in the House of Commons. Dillon, who spoke at the close, declared that the adoption of the bill by the Convention had destroyed the Unionist hope that Ireland would reject the measure, and so defeat the bill in the house of its friends.

Mr.

At the other end of Europe neither the movement for peace nor the movement for the conquest of Tripoli makes any progress. The offer of the Powers to mediate between Italy and Turkey brought a characteristic reply from the Turkish Government to the effect that the Government would accept the mediation as being for the best interests of both countries, but on condition that the sovereignty of Turkey in Tripoli should not be attacked, and that the Italians should leave the country. No other settlement of the war is possible from the point of view of the Turkish Government, although it is ready to grant economic concessions in Tripoli to Italy. Meanwhile, according to some correspondents, unrest is spreading throughout northern Africa; religious fanaticism has become more general. The Arabs, according to one correspondent, are learning that they are able to stand up against one of the great Powers; and Italy is awakening a force which it will be very difficult to deal with later. The Italian troops have been landed on one of the islands of the Ægean Sea for the purpose, it is believed, of establishing a naval base and maintaining a naval force sufficient to control the Ægean, which would mean that Turkish commerce in the Mediterranean would be cut off precisely as the commerce of Western Europe was cut off by the Turks many centuries ago. Meanwhile France is having trouble in Morocco. Mobs composed of fanatical Arab women and mutinous Moorish soldiers have killed a large number of Frenchmen, and, according to last accounts, have ravaged the Jewish quarter of the city with every accessory of savage outrage. Of the twelve thousand residents of that quarter, seven thousand are reported as being homeless by reason of fire, and have taken refuge in the gardens of the Sultan's palace, where they are huddled together, not only without clothing, but without food. Synagogues are wrecked, sacred books have been burned, and the foreign consulates are supplying bread so far as possible to the refugees.

Americans who knew Justin

Justin McCarthy McCarthy, who died at his

residence in London last week, regarded him as a man of rare charm. He was an Irish gentleman, with the strong social bent and vivacity of the Celtic temperament; but he lacked the fighting spirit of many of his compatriots. Thoroughly imbued with the Irish

spirit and holding strongly to the Irish point of view, it was as impossible for him to hate the English as it was for the English to hate him. He once said that the Irish were at a great disadvantage in fighting the English because the Irish were weak along the line of political action, while the English were strong, and that they would have succeeded earlier if they had approached the English along the lines of their own temperament instead of with English weapons. Whether he was right or not, Mr. McCarthy was an apostle of the Irish cause who made friends where many of his compatriots made enemies. He was born in Cork eighty-two years ago, and was educated in the private schools of that city. At the age of eighteen he joined the staff of an English newspaper, and seven years later became Parliamentary reporter for the "Morning Star," and its editor in 1864. He first came to this country in 1868, and was successful on the lecture platform. On his return to England he became a leader writer on the "Daily News," and was soon recognized as one of the Liberal leaders of the hour. He entered Parliament in 1879, and remained a member of the House of Commons until 1900, when he retired on account of ill health. During his entire Parliamentary career he was an ardent advocate of Home Rule, and in 1890 he succeeded Mr. Parnell as chairman of the party. He was a prolific and pleasant writer. His novels never produced any marked impression, though "Donna Quixote " attained some popularity. His "History of Our Own Times," however, was widely read. He began a History of the Four Georges and William IV," which was completed by his son, Justin Huntly McCarthy, the author of "If I Were King. He wrote biographies of Sir Robert Peel, Leo XIII, and Mr. Gladstone (the latter appeared in The Outlook in serial form), and published books on "Modern England" and "The Reign of Queen Anne," and two volumes of reminiscences. the latter part of his life he was nearly blind, and was very tenderly cared for by his daughter, who is as interesting as her father. London gave the American few greater pleasures than a talk with Mr. McCarthy.

66

A Distinguished Greek Scholar

B

During

Among the eminent Greek scholars of the day, none is more competent to urge the interests of classical study, and of Greek culture in particular, than Dr. Gilbert Murray,

Regius Professor of Greek in Oxford University; for Dr. Murray is not only an accomplished scholar, but he is also a man of cultivated taste in English literature and the master of a fine English style. He is, in other words, a true humanist with modern sympathies and the ability to urge the interests of classical culture from the modern point of view. He is what the English call a lonial." Born in New South Wales, the son of the President of the Legislative Council, he went to England at an early age, and, after his graduation from St. John's College and a fellowship at New College, he became Professor of Greek in Glasgow University. He

66

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is best known in this country as a translator of Euripides. He has rendered that difficult poet into lucid and beautiful English, and has achieved a very difficult task, not only with thoroughness, but with grace and apparent ease; so that the reader gets from his translation the thought and imagination of one of the most interesting Greek dramatists, and the delight of reading beautiful English. He has been conspicuous in the struggle which has been going on for several years past in the English universities over the matter of the place and authority of Greek study in the university courses; and he has become in a sense the leader of what may be called the Greek Renaissance movement—an intelligent if not an enthusiastic revival of interest in the study of Greek. Dr. Murray has come to this country by the invitation of Amherst College to present the interests of Greek study. His lectures at Columbia University in New York have brought together audiences of nearly a thousand, and he will doubtless be heard at other institutions and with great profit by those Americans who are eager that education in this country, while it adapts itself to "human nature's daily needs," shall not lose the ripeness, the intellectual disinterestedness, and the temper and quality of mind which come from the older culture.

in a vast improvement in the methods of teaching them. More effort is now being made to make them interesting and vital, and for this improved state of affairs they are indebted to this change from compulsory to optional study.

On the other hand, I feel confident that classical culture is a very valuable and most important part of the curriculum, and one that must not be allowed to die out, and I quite expect a reaction in favor of it; indeed, I think that it should be made a broader and more humane study than heretofore-that emphasis should be laid upon the literature, history, and philosophy of Greek and Latin.

I feel, for example, that the special value of a study of classical Greek is this: that one gets, in small compass, the beginnings of almost every important human activity. Really to understand Greek, one has to study not only the language-which happens to be a remarkably fine one-but also the beginnings of democracy and political theory, of astronomy, science, mathematics, the fundamentals of philosophy, and the first elements of poetry and art as they are generally understood by our Western civilization.

The world has differentiated and split up in a hundred ways in modern times, while in Greek one gets all the main spiritual forces. working together; so that if one begins by understanding classical Greek one has, as it were, a clue to almost every great movement of thought that has taken place since. Of course there is also a clue to the bad movements as well as to the good.

Its

be the Men and Religion Forward Movement whose first stage ended and whose second stage began in the Christian Conservation Congress at New York, April 19-24. Its six months' campaign from ocean to ocean was far from being of the same sort as the world tours of religious revivalists. primary impulse was a keen sense of the inefficiency of the churches in meeting modern needs and coping with modern perils. This at length gave birth in 1899 to the National Federation of Churches and Christian Workers, and this in 1908 developed into the Federal Council of the Churches. of Christ, with an admirable programme of activity. The moment called for what was not at hand-the active, weli-financed propaganda needed to rouse and organize the slumbering hosts to take the field strategically. This need was outstripping preparation to meet it until last year, when clear-headed and generous men got together in the Committee of Ninety-seven, with the, financial backing and the constructive plan requisite to realize their aim " More religion for men, and more

men for religion." The prime desideratum for this they have been diligently supplying by teaching the workers in every city visited how to map out and how to meet the needs of the local situation by properly organized activity of the churches. What has thus far been developed of permanent working value in the nine main lines of such needs was the theme of the five days' discussion given by the Congress to the reports of the nine commissions upon them. Social service at home and abroad, in the foreign missionary field as well as in our teeming cities and sparsely settled rural regions, has been the prominent theme, together with the active evangelism and the Bible study which must rouse and nourish individual religion. The sifted result of all this will be conserved in seven small volumes, presenting to the churches the work now turned over to them for continuation. Its continuation seems certain. Much apathy and inertia remain to be overcome; but what the Men and Religion Forward Movement has done in laying out definite fields of Christian activity and impressing a consciousness of personal responsibility for them is the beginning that is fairly the proverbial "half of the whole," and promising for completion. The addresses and discussions in this Congress of thousands of delegates from all parts of the country attested a religious awakening new in type and enduring in vitality-new in its strong emphasis on the virile qualities of Christianity, enduring as well as new in its insistence on a religious reformation of civic, industrial, and commercial life-a reformation promoted by influential laymen as specifically "a layman's job." The second stage of the Movement will not be in the public eye as the first has been. Its task of calling out and organizing the religious forces for efficient action will need time. Its progress is likely to be quickened by the now increasing tension of industrial conditions. In view of some sinister signs of the times, no more auspicious omen has been given than in this Christian Conservation Congress.

been for forty-six years pastor, was not only the first church organized in the province of Carolina, but is the only Huguenot church remaining on this continent. Those who have seen its unpretentious structure have not failed to feel its historical interest and significance. It is minster Abbey of the

a kind of WestHuguenot move

ment. Dr. Vedder, who may be called the foremost citizen of Charleston, and who is now in his eighty-sixth year, with full vigor of mind, but with sight so impaired that he cannot use a manuscript, gave an eloquent account of the founding of the church, which is the only surviving witness of the organized Huguenot faith in this country, emphasizing the loyalty to faith of the early Huguenots, their power of sacrifice, their spirit of cooperation, and their devotion to the work of their church. Dr. Vedder has long been conspicuous among preachers of the South as a man of unusual natural eloquence; and he held a congregation which crowded the church to the very end of a historical sermon, touched again and again by vivid descriptions of incidents and events and finely drawn portraits of persons. President Demarest, of Rutgers College, at the evening service interpreted the spirit of the Huguenots as revealed in their deeds, commenting on the immense loss to France by the migration and the immense gain to the new community on this continent. The manhood and the religion of the Huguenots, he said, call us "from idleness and extravagance, from rudeness and vulgarity, from laxness of home life and private morals, from unfaithfulness to private and public trust, from forgetfulness of God and independence of Christ. The Huguenot stands before us a man and a Christian, in heroic size, a personality that beckons us on to spirit and virtue and high endeavor like his own."

cal, archæological, and philological import. The results of these several researches are being printed at public charge in the interest of the national development. The patriotic The patriotic scholars who lead in this forward movement have projected a Summer School at Madrid for the purpose of furthering the study of Spanish literature and Spanish history at home and abroad. Under the presidency of Professor R. Menendez Pidal, a philologist personally known to the Romance departments of our own universities, an attractive course of lectures has been announced. The subjects cover the most significant literary epochs of the past five centuries, and the names of the lecturers-Pidal, Altamira, Castro, Cossio, etc.-are sufficient guarantee of the value of the discussions. weeks' session opens on June 15. Applicacations for admission to the School should be addressed to the Secretary, Junta para la Ampliacion de Estudios, Madrid.

PRINCIPLES AND PERSONALITIES

By certain expressions in his speech at Boston the President has, temporarily at least, turned a discussion of great issues into a controversy about personal motives.

Up to the present time the candidates for nomination in both parties have kept themselves almost, if not quite, free from attack on the personal character of opponents. Political managers and political newspapers have, of course, indulged in such personal attack. The candidates themselves have, however, kept themselves, on the whole, to the real business of setting forth their own policies and criticising the policies of others. This is the legitimate field of political discussion.

Now, however, President Taft, against his own wishes, as he asserts, and in compliance with the urgency of others, has left this field and has undertaken to read motives, discover the secret springs of character, and discriminate between sincerity and insincerity. The inevitable consequence of President Taft's Boston speech will be the temporary obliteration of public issues by crimination and recrimination concerning personal relations.

Against this change from discussion of public questions to controversy over hidden motives the public opinion of the American people ought to set itself like a wall of granite. It may satisfy the ill temper of some subordinate politicians, it may supply

with headline news some newspaper editors who gleefully enjoy any quarrel that does not endanger themselves, but it does no good to the country, it enlightens no voter as to his duty at the polls, it contributes nothing to the cause of public justice and social welfare.

Altercation in public over questions of personal motive is to be resisted on three grounds:

First, it is not given to any man to read another man's heart. Those who pass judgment on other men's motives are not thereby giving proof of being actuated by high motives themselves. Certainly, neither any individual nor any company of men has been initiated into that place where the secrets of all hearts are revealed.

Second, in a public altercation over hidden motives, the controversial advantage is always with the man who has least scruples about violating confidences. It is an uneven game, with the odds against the most conscientious. Public opinion should discountenance a contest of that sort.

Third, public controversy over private motives is of no service to the public. It is often necessary to pass judgment upon a man's actions in the light of his public record. But this is very different from passing judgment on a man's character and motives.

The issue before the country should be kept clear. It is twofold. On the one hand, it is an issue between two tendencies-the tendency to conservatism and the tendency toward progress, the tendency toward distrusting the popular judgment and the tendency toward giving the popular judgment larger play, the tendency toward restraining democracy and the tendency toward curing the ills of democracy by more democracy. That is one issue between Mr. Taft and Mr. Roosevelt. Those who feel that democracy chiefly needs control should support Mr. Taft; those who feel that democracy chiefly needs liberation should support Mr. Roosevelt.

That is one issue. The other issue is between two public records-the record of the Taft Administration and the record of the Roosevelt Administration. The one is the record of a legalistic temperament and method in control of an administrative office; the other is the record in that office of temperament and method characteristically executive. Those who think that democracy needs restraint naturally turn to the legalistic method, the method of Mr. Taft. Those who think that democracy needs liberation