exist between two branches of the same stock, so nearly allied in character, habits, and language, and whose political union, however unjust the act which brought it about, is a great and equal advantage to both.

An enmity not less strong and unfortunate exists between two other families of the same general race, which were also united by the congress of Vienna into one body politic, and now form the kingdom of the Netherlands. It would perhaps be as difficult to discover any rational foundation in nature or in politics for the cordial hatred which the Belgians and the Dutch feel for each other, as to give a distinct account of the feuds and jealousies, that often exercise the most serious influence upon the happiness of private and domestic life. Their origin and language are nearly the same; and although their habits and pursuits are somewhat different, this is no ground of mutual animosity, since it makes them in reality more necessary and useful to each other. But it seems to be a general law of human nature, that neighbouring nations should hate each other; and indeed, if our malignant feelings are to have any exercise at all, must be upon our neighbours; since those, with whom we have no relation whatever, are of course indifferent to us.

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This mutual enmity embitters the internal politics of the new kingdom, and divides the representation of the people into geographical parties upon every considerable question. Nor does it appear in general that the direct interest of either section of the country is promoted by the union. The prosperity of the Dutch depends upon commerce, and they ought perhaps to adopt the most liberal system of trade, in order to make their country, as far as possible, an emporium for the rest of Europe: but their policy, in this particular, is opposed by the necessity of protecting, to a certain extent, the manufactures and agriculture of Belgium. On the other hand, the industry of the Belgians is discouraged by the loss of the vast market of France, as well as by the competition of British manufactures, which the government, from motives foreign to the interest of either part of the country, is not sufficiently anxious to prevent. Hence the Belgians look back with regret, and forward with hope to a union with France; and the downfall of this ill cemented fabric would probably be the first result of a new convulsion in Europe. The only interest really favoured by the existence of this kingdom is that of British industry, which, from the amicable relations between the two governments, obtains an additional market: and after all

that has been said of the importance of the kingdom in maintaining the balance of power on its new footing, it is not improbable that the establishment of it was a mere mercantile speculation on the part of the British ministry, who took much more effectual care of the commerce and industry of their country at the congress of Vienna, than the opposition in parliament appear to suppose.

The creation of this kingdom has been considered by some politicians, especially Mr de Pradt, as one of the wisest measures adopted at the congress. The investigation of this point belongs to another part of this essay; but I may observe here, that as far as the measure produced any effect upon the balance of power, it tended to disturb and not to maintain it; that it proceeded either upon a misconception or a voluntary sacrifice of the true principles of this balance; and that the interest of Europe required, on the contrary, that Belgium should have continued to form a part of France.

The constitution of the Netherlands is liberal and popular, the habits of the people are industrious and moral, and their character singularly amiable and upright, especially in the northern provinces where the race is preserved in greater purity. But the country exhibits throughout the melancholy aspect of a decayed and decaying nation. The cities have

generally sunk to a third or a fourth of their ancient population, and have lost, in still greater proportions, their ancient preeminence in commerce and industry. The looms of Belgium no longer supply the rich and great of every country in Europe and Asia with their finest and most elegant garments. Her industry, after planting colonies in Italy and England, has gone to ruin at home; and the fabric of lace and cambric, the last relic of ancient excellence, is sinking very fast. The flag of Holland no longer floats triumphantly in both hemispheres; and the time will never come again, when a Dutch admiral will burn the British fleet at Chatham. Leyden is no longer the western Athens; and the universities, whose fame at one time attracted students and professors from all foreign parts, are now not always resorted to by the youth of their own country. The last of the lights of classical learning has just been extinguished, by the death of the venerable Wyttenbach; and he seems to have left no successor. Even the glory of those that went before has been struck with premature decay, by the disuse of the Latin language, to which they had entrusted it; and they have left but obscure traces in literary history. Such is the present state of Holland; and there is much reason to fear that this gradual decline will con

tinue, until the population shall be too scanty to maintain that perpetual contest with the surrounding elements, upon which the existence of the territory depends, and the soil itself shall return to the ocean. But whatever may be its present or its future fate, it will always be interesting to elevated and generous minds, as a spot which was once the favourite abode of freedom, industry, learning, and the arts. The seats of liberty and civilization, like the fine monuments of Grecian architecture, are graceful and attractive even in their ruins.

CHAPTER VII.

Great Britain.

THE Country which first gave the example of a free and well regulated government is naturally an object of curiosity and interest to the friends of liberty; and to this distinction Great Britain seems to be fairly entitled. We find in the fierce democracies of Greece and Rome, and in the modern Italian republics, many traces of high spirit and independent feeling, many exhibitions of the loftiest qualities that belong to our nature; characters, perhaps, that have never been excelled or equalled in England; but the political institutions of these