THE IMPERIAL MAGAZINE.

NOVEMBER, 1834.

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

LORD VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, G. C. B.

FOREIGN SECRETARY.

(With a Portrait)

Is statesman, whose family name is TEMPLE, is the third Viscount almerston in succession. He was born on the 20th October, 1784, and herited the title from his father, Henry, the late Viscount, who died on the 'th of April, 1802.

The TEMPLES, from whom this noble family paternally, and the present ical house of Buckingham and Chandos maternally, descend, are said to è of Saxon origin, and to spring lineally from the son and heir of Algar, url of Mercia.

The Temple family became connected with Ireland in the reign of lizabeth, when Sir William Temple was secretary to the Earl of Essex; ad, being provost of Trinity College, Dublin, became the representative of at university in parliament. His son, Sir John Temple held high legal nd official situations in Ireland during the reign of Charles I. and the rotectorate. One of his sons, Sir William Temple, was the distinguished atesman, patriot, and miscellaneous writer, who adorned the reign of Charles II. The other, Sir John Temple, was speaker of the Irish House f Commons, and father of Henry Temple, Esq., who, on the 12th March, 722, was created a peer of Ireland, by the titles of Baron Temple, and ISCOUNT PALMERSTON. Henry, the second viscount, succeeded his randfather, in 1757, and, in 1783, married Mary, the daughter of 3. Mee, Esq. by whom he left issue, HENRY-JOHN, the present peer; William, secretary of embassy to Russia, and two daughters.

VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, the subject of this memoir, was educated at Cambridge, and entered parliament about the time of Mr. Pitt's death, anging himself on the ministerial side of the house, and aiding the meaures of Government by his vote and influence. In 1809, during the admiistration of Spencer Percival, he obtained the office of secretary at war, which le continued to fill for nineteen years successively, namely, from October, 1809, to May, 1828, when he gave place to Sir Henry Hardinge, in consequence of the breaking up of Lord Goderich's cabinet.

The office which Lord Palmerston filled during this long period, extendng through the successive administrations of Percival, Castlereagh, Liverpool, Canning, and Goderich, is one of acknowledged importance, and of no inconsiderable difficulty; and the best proof of his lordship's compe2D. SERIES, NO. 47.-VOL. IV.

3 R

191.-VOL. XVI.

tency for discharging its functions, is to be found in his continuing to retain it undisturbed amid the conflict of parties, and the perpetual changes which, in other offices, were continually taking place. It is pretty evident that Lord Palmerston, for much of this time, must have avowed Tory politics, and given his support to them. But it is equally plain, that, of late years, he imbibed the liberal principles of Mr. Canuing, and, after that lamented statesman's death, he discovered an evident leaning towards the enlightened policy of Lord Goderich and Mr. Huskisson. Though, with the latter, he accepted office in the Wellington ministry, he took Mr. Huskisson's part in the fracas occasioned by that gentleman's vote on the East Retford question, and resigned his place on account of what he considered to be the arbitrary conduct of the Duke of Wellington on that occasion.

On the opening of the first session of parliament after the formation of the Wellington cabinet, in January 1828, the mover and seconder of the address, Mr. Jenkinson and Mr. Robert Grant, took care to expatiate upon the claims of ministers to the confidence of different parties. The mover could not refrain from informing the House, that the administration possessed the entire approbation of his brother, the late Lord Liverpool, who, then, was unhappily suffering under a stroke of paralysis, which had already deprived him of his mental powers, and was about speedily to terminate his life. The seconder alluded to the circumstance of both Mr. Huskisson and Lord Palmerston being together in the service of the crown. This mode of recommending the cabinet to the legislature and the public, offered an opportunity to the ever-ready sarcasm of Mr. Brougham. "The opinion

of the noble viscount (Palmerston) was to be received," he observed, “as the opinion of a member of a former cabinet; and, indeed, as the opinion of a member of every cabinet that had existed for the last twenty years— as though he were a sort of hereditary member!"

On the call of Sir Joseph Yorke for explanation, Lord Palmerston rose to reply; but, in defending the members of the cabinet generally, be waved any allusion to himself, and very ably vindicated the hero of Waterloo from some splenetic observations which, with less good taste than party spirit, had fallen from Mr. Brougham. That adherence to party through right and wrong, which, in the language of public men, termed political consistency," was certainly not the distinguishing virtue of Lord Palmerston's career; but entering the arena of politics with conservative principles, when the strength of the Tories was beginning to decline, he possessed the rare faculty of knowing when and where honourably and advantageously to recede.

"

Mr. Percival came into office on the "No Popery" cry, and Lord Palmerston became one of his colleagues. The Peel and Wellington cabinet proposed the removal of the Catholic disabilities, and Lord Palmerston has shewn himself one of their most powerful advocates.

His masterly speeches on the Catholic question afford convincing evidence of what his sentiments were when the Wellington administration was formed, of which he was one. Yet nothing could be more remote from the intentions of the noble duke, at the moment of accepting the premiership, than to remove the Catholic disabilities in the manner it was afterwards effected. The repeal of the Test and Corporation acts was carried, despite of the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel-and that measure drew in its train the removal of the Catholic disabilities. As the heads of the government, at the time of forming the cabinet, had it not in contemplation to carry either of these important measures into effect, Lord Palmerston would appear to have given his consent, and yielded acquiescence, to a totally

ifferent line of policy, and, as regards Ireland, opposite to his subsequently vowed principles.

When the subject of the breaking up of Lord Goderich's cabinet came nder discussion in the House of Commons, on Monday, February 18th, Lord Palmerston said, "When a proposition was made to him to become a nember of the new government, he had answered at once, that he wished irst to know who were to be the members of that government: and when e found that it was to include Mr. Huskisson, Lord Dudley, and Mr. Charles Grant, he wanted no other pledge for the maintenance of those principles he had always supported!"

We confess that in all these circumstances we see nothing more than the gradual yielding of prejudices formed under tory discipline, to the slow but certain advance of more just and more liberal principles. By habit, by connexions, and by position, many men are reluctant to admit truths that controvert their former impressions, but yet, becoming sensible that what they resist are actually moral and political truths, they gladly embrace those opportunities that render those truths expedient. We may trace these admissions rising into principles in the mind of Lord Palmerston, and endeavouring to stretch themselves beyond the policy of the party with whom he was acting.

There are speeches of the noble viscount while he was the colleague of the Duke of Wellington, which it would be unjust to his fair fame to pass over unnoticed. They breathe a tone of liberal politics, both as regards our own country and foreign nations. Viscount Palmerston opposed the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts at the time that question was brought forward by Lord John Russell, April 1828; but he opposed it chiefly by his vote, which as a member of the Wellington administration, he was probably compelled to do, or to resign his office. His speech, which was the last that was delivered in the House of Commons on that occasion, prior to the division for going into committee, when ministers were left in a minority of 44, will sufficiently speak for itself, and shew that, though ostensibly levelled against the claims of the dissenters, it involves in all its reasonings a powerful plea in their favour. Thus his lordship spoke :

"I can very sincerly assure the house, that, at this period of the night, and at this stage of the present debate, it is not my intention to detain them more than a very few minutes. I do declare to the House, that I am really most anxious to be permitted, however shortly, to state the grounds of the vote which I shall this night feel bound to give; and I am the more desirous of doing this, as that vote will be adverse to the motion of the noble lord (Russell.) I am still further anxious to do so, for I should be extremely sorry, indeed, were the considerations which influence my intended vote for a moment misconstrued into the acknowledging myself favourable to a continuance of the laws now under consideration. I beg most distinctly to declare that I am a warm and zealous friend to religious liberty: that I am as strenuous a partisan of religious freedom as the noble lord himself, or any other honourable member of this house. I concur with him as far as he, or any other man, can wish, that restraints upon the consciences of men can never be advantageous. No good, no public benefit, can arise from them-much evil may possibly ensue from their operation. They convert into hypocrites men who would otherwise have been honest: they sow the spirit of disaffection among men who would otherwise have been loyal. They proceed upon a principle the most fallacious that can be conceived; namely, that of assuming that peculiar religious opinions necessarily indicate the existence, in the same individual, of peculiar political opi

nions; for it is not for a moment contended, that those restraints were imposed for the purpose of putting down religious sentiments of a peculiar character. No such thing: it is fully understood that they were imposed for the purpose of guarding against political acts, which were expected to proceed from the political opinions attributed to those who held religious tenets like theirs against whom those statutes had been directed.

"Now, sir, I fully agree with those who think that in their operation, if they were in operation at all, they must prove nugatory for the objects of their framers, and most unjust as respects those against whose consciences they were directed. If we refer to times of internal dissension, when breaches of law were frequent, and even treason did not fear to shew itself, I am perfectly ready to admit, and I take much pleasure in referring to the fact, that the dissenters were not open to any accusation; and as a sincere, though humble advocate of religious freedom, I take leave to say, that no particular set of theological opinions has been found to distinguish those who have ranged themselves against the existing government, and the preservation of social order. It is asked, do those precautionary tests afford a sufficient safeguard for the interests of the established church? I think they do not in that point of view I attach no value or importance to them. In my humble opinion, no rational man can set the slightest value upon them for such a purpose. The safety of the church depends upon the number and character of those who are included within its pale; depends upon its doctrines, its opinions, and its practical morality. But when it seeks to sustain its existence (and I deny that its friends in the present case propose so to do) by means of imposing, upon others, tests contrary to their consciences, it only rouses into activity that principle of human nature which makes men instinctively revolt from any shackles on the freedom of thought -which makes them hold with increased tenacity those very opinions which persecution would in vain seek to eradicate. No, sir, I think that, in the present day, the established church of this country derives no advantages from such safeguards, if safeguards they at all can be considered. In these times, the safety of the established church is founded upon the piety and learning of its prelates and clergy, and still more upon their practical morality. Its safety is, in these times, ensured, not by the pains and disabilities imposed upon other denominations of Christians, but by the reve rence which it has inspired, and continues to inspire, amongst the bulk of the people. So long as it is acknowledged, that learning pre-eminentthat morality spotless-and that general reverence, unabated, attaches to the Establishment,-it may disdain any attempts at external hostility.

"If then, I consider these laws unjust in the abstract-if I think them inexpedient even now-if I disregard them as securities to the established church-it will naturally be asked on what grounds I propose to justify my voting against the motion of the noble lord? Now, sir, I must, in the first place, be permitted to say, that in spite of the refined legal arguments this night so ingeniously placed before the House--in spite of all the hypothe tical cases suggested with such ability-I must contend, that, of late years, these acts have been, to all intents and purposes, practically repealed. It is utterly vain to deny that they have been virtually suspended, and that there is not now-that there has not been for years-the slightest possible grievance affecting the dissenters. It must be fully in the recollection of the House, that there are two great classes in this country, who complain of labouring under religious disabilities-I mean the Catholics, and the Dissenters. Now, I am unwilling that the jealousy of the latter should be excited towards the former-I am unwilling that the lesser evil should be