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Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? Quis caelum terris non misceat et mare caelo Si fur displiceat Verri, homicida Miloni, Clodius accuset moechos, Catilina Cethegum, In tabulam Sullae si dicant discipuli tres? Qualis erat nuper tragico pollutus adulter

Forcellini, who explains it of those who in walking twist their legs about like a thong of leather, or whose legs are naturally distorted. He quotes also Plautus (Poen. iii. 1. 7): "Nequicquam hos fuscos mihi elegi loripedes tardissimos." The soft word for such appears to have been 'varus,' or 'scaurus' (Horace, S. i. 3. 47, n.). The Scholiast explains 'loripedem' as 'solutum pedibus aut curvis.'

24. Quis tulerit Gracchos] This might stand 'si Gracchi querantur, quis tulerit?' 'If the Gracchi were to complain, who would bear it?' (See Key's Lat. Gr. 1209.) Every one will understand the charge of sedition laid upon the Gracchi (Tiberius and Caius), the friends of the poor, and feared by the aristocracy. It is not surprising that their names passed into proverbs under the empire.

25. Quis caelum terris] See below, vi. 283: "clames licet et mare caelo Confundas homo sum.' He means, who would not cry out invoking heaven and earth at such hypocrisy? as Stasimus cries out in Plautus (Trinum. iv. 3. 63): "Mare, terra, caelum, di vostram fidem, Satin' ego oculis plane video?" The words of Juvenal are borrowed from Virgil (Aen. v. 790): “maria omnia caelo miscuit," who, as Grangaeus remarks, may have got his from Lucretius (iii. 854): "non si terra mari miscebitur et mare caelo."

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26. Si fur displiceat Verri,] That is, if the plunderer of a province were offended with a common robber. Furtum' included all theft and robbery, with or without violence; but where a distinction is meant it is opposed to rapina,' which is furtum' attended with force. See note on Hor. S. i. 3. 122, 'Furta latrociniis.' Cicero's seven orations have made Verres immortal. His iniquities are enshrined in the finest specimens of forensic eloquence that have come down to us from antiquity. Milo's murder of Clodius, his adversary and Cicero's (A. U. C. 702), and the blood he and his followers shed in his contests with that person, made his name proverbial. Clodius was, besides, infamous for his intrigue with Caesar's wife, Pompeia, and his violation of the mysteries

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of 'Bona Dea,' in pursuit of his mistress. Catiline and Cethegus, fellow-conspirators, are mentioned together again viii. 231; x. 287. C. Cornelius Cethegus was not inferior to Catiline in bloody violence, and next to Lentulus was his chief supporter.

28. In tabulam Sullae] The 'tabula' means the proscription table or lists of Sulla; and they who are here called his three disciples are Antonius, Caesar Octavianus, and Lepidus, whose proscription (A.U.C. 711) was more bloody than Sulla's, thirty-eight years before. It is said to have included 3000 equites and 300 senators, and among them were Cicero and others of the first distinction. Lucan calls Cn. Pompeius a pupil of Sulla (Phars. i. 325):

"Bella nefanda parat suetus civilibus armis Et docilis Sullam sceleris vicisse magistrum."

As to tabulam Sullae' Grangaeus quotes Florus (iii. 21): "proposita est illa ingens tabula, et ex ipso equestri ordinis flore ac senatu duo millia electi qui mori juberentur." Dicere in' is used in the sense of 'dicere contra.' Cicero has "multa praesens in praesentem et dixerat et fecerat" (Ad Att. xi. 12).

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29. Qualis erat nuper] He here alludes to the adulterous intercourse of Domitian with his niece Julia Sabina, a daughter of Titus, who was married to Flavius Sabinus, her father's and Domitian's first cousin. Suetonius (Domit. 22) relates that she was offered Domitian in marriage while yet a virgin, and that he refused her because he was married already to Domitia. But not long after her marriage (to Sabinus), and before he came to the throne, he seduced her; and when he was emperor, murdered her husband on the pretext (mentioned by Suetonius, c. 10) that when they were proclaimed consuls together (A.D. 82), the year after Domitian's accession, the herald proclaimed Sabinus imperator instead of consul. The true reason no doubt was the emperor's lust for Julia; and Juvenal therefore calls his connexion with her 'tragicus con

Concubitu, qui tunc leges revocabat amaras
Omnibus atque ipsis Veneri Martique timendas,
Quum tot abortivis fecundam Julia vulvam
Solveret et patruo similes effunderet offas.
Nonne igitur jure ac merito vitia ultima fictos.
Contemnunt Scauros et castigata remordent?

Non tulit ex illis torvum Lauronia quendam Clamantem toties: "Ubi nunc lex Julia? dormis?" Ad quem subridens: "Felicia tempora quae te Moribus opponunt! Habeat jam Roma pudorem: Tertius e caelo cecidit Cato. Sed tamen unde

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cubitus.' Julia afterwards died in an attempt forced upon her by Domitian, to procure abortion, which is alluded to in v. 32, sq. Pliny (Epp. iv. 11. 6), speaking of Domitian, says he put to death a Vestal for incest and was as bad himself: "Quum ipse fratris filiam incesto non solum polluisset verum etiam occidisset, nam vidua abortu periit." According to Dion Cassius (67. 3) this happened A.D. 83; the same year, probably, as the murder of Sabinus. At the same time Domitian was engaged in the reforming of public morals (Sueton. Vit. c. 8. Suscepta morum correctione," &c.), having taken upon himself the censorship for life; he being the first of the emperors who had nominally assumed that office (see S. iv. 12). The 'lex Julia de Adulteriis' may have been loosely observed, and Suetonius speaks of Domitian having enforced with severity, and on several occasions, the law against unchaste Vestals, "a patre suo quoque et fratre neglecta" (c. 8); see below, iv. 9, n. In that loose age the 'lex Julia de Adulteriis' above mentioned (see Dict. Ant.) would be called 'amara omnibus,' and a terror to the adulterous Mars and Venus. 'Abortivis' signifies means of abortion. Tune' means that he was restoring the laws at the very time when he was carrying on his intrigue.

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34. vitia ultima] The most vicious of men, 'res pro persona;' as 'servitium' for 'servus,' 'remigium' for remiges,' &c. 'Fictos Scauros' are those villains who profess to be as virtuous as M. Aemilius Scaurus, who is alluded to again (xi. 91) in conjunction with the Fabii, Cato and Fabricius. See Horace, C. i. 12. 37, n., Regulum et Scauros animaeque magnae Prodigum Paullum," where the plural is used as here. See note on S. i. 109; and above, on vv. 3. 10. Because Sallust (B. Jug. 18) speaks of Scaurus as 'callide vitia occultans,' Ru

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36. Lauronia] This is any woman of the town. The name is said, without any probability, to be taken from Lauron, a town of Hispania Tarraconensis (Beck, quoted by Ruperti in his Var. Lect.). Some MSS. have Laronia, which occurs in inscriptions. The woman smiles quietly at these hypocrites crying out pathetically for the 'lex Julia' (see note on v. 29), and says to one of them: Lucky times are these, which present such a barrier to immorality as you. Let the town blush at her lewdness; another Cato has dropped from the skies. But where did you buy your perfumery?' And then she breaks out in a fierce invective against men, and a defence of her own sex. 'Subridens' expresses bitterness, as in Aen. x. 742: "Ad quem subridens mista Mezentius ira." The taunt about the ointment is sarcastic enough; and the speech, which passes from quiet irony to the utmost scorn, is well managed.

40. Tertius e caelo cecidit Cato.] This seems to be an allusion to Domitian's censorship spoken of above (v. 29. n.). Some commentators do not see why there should be three, that is, why Cato of Utica should be associated with the Censor. But Juvenal has put them together, and the younger

was an honest man,

Haec emis hirsuto spirant opobalsama collo

Quae tibi? Ne pudeat dominum monstrare tabernae.
Quod si vexantur leges ac jura, citari

Ante omnes debet Scantinia. Respice primum
Et scrutare viros; faciunt hi plura : sed illos
Defendit numerus junctaeque umbone phalanges.
Magna inter molles concordia. Non erit ullum.
Exemplum in nostro tam detestabile sexu.
Tedia non lambit Cluviam, nec Flora Catullam :
Hispo subit juvenes et morbo pallet utroque.
Numquid nos agimus causas, civilia jura
Novimus, aut ullo strepitu fora vestra movemus?

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41. spirant opobalsama] Spirare' is commonly used with respect to perfumes, as Virgil (Aen. i. 407): "Ambrosiaeque comae divinum vertice odorem Spiravere.' 'Opobalsamum' is the juice (orós) of the 'balsamum' (amyris Gileadensis), the balm of Gilead mentioned in Scripture, of which a correct description is given by Pliny, H. N. xii. 25. He says that its scent was preferred to every other; and he gives the same account that Bruce the traveller gives of the extraction of the juice by an incision in the bark, and how it was collected in very small quantities, so that it took a long summer's day to fill a small bottle. It was therefore very rare and costly, as it is still. There was a tax upon the tree Pliny says (1. c.) : "Servit nunc haec et tributa pendit cum sua gente."

43. Quod si vexantur leges ac jura,] 'If you are to disturb laws that have gone to rest, you should call up the Scantinia.' 'Citare,' a form of cieo,' means here to wake up,' alluding to 'dormis' (v. 37). The 'lex Scantinia' was a law for the suppression of unnatural crimes. Domitian did revive this law, according to Suetonius: "Quosdam ex utroque ordine (equites and senators) lege Scantinia condemnavit" (c.8). In a large number of the MSS. the reading is 'Scatinia.' This law existed in Cicero's time. The penalty of death was first imposed on these crimes by the Christian emperors Constantine and Constans. As to 'leges et jura,' see below, v. 72, n.; and for the distinction between them the reader is referred to Smith's Dict. Ant. and to Hor. Epp. i. 16. 41, n. [Ribbeck has 'leges, at jure citari.']

45. faciunt hi plura:] It seems as if Juvenal remembered that line of Horace (A. P. v. 432), “Et faciunt hi plura dolenti

bus."

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Junctaeque umbone phalanges' is expressed by the Greek military term ovvaσiouòs, which was the closest order of the phalanx in charging: or it represents in the Roman warfare the 'testudo,' or interlacing of shields, which formed the most effectual shelter against the darts and other missiles of the enemy. The umbo,' or ὀμφαλός, was the boss in the centre of the clipeus' or 'parma,' which helped to throw off the darts that struck the shield, and being furnished with a spike, or else by its own projection, was itself a weapon of offence. So Martial says (iii. 46): "In turbam incideris, cunctos umbone repellet." The Scholiast quotes Lucan: "Quicquid multis peccatur inultum est."

47. Magna inter molles concordia.] John of Salisbury quotes this (Nugae, &c. iii. 12) on the question whether friendship can exist between the bad, which he decides in the negative, and goes on, "Magna utique inter molles et malos concordia, sed ea tantum a caritate discedit quantum lux distat a tenebris." Molles' are effeminate, in the worst

sense.

51. Numquid nos agimus causas,] She says, 'Do we meddle with men's business as they do with ours.' Horace has (S. i. 9. 38): "Inteream si Aut valeo stare aut novi civilia jura." For the component parts of

Jus Civile,' which included things human and things divine, see Dict. Ant. Art. 'Jus;' and v. 72, n.

52. fora vestra] There were several 'fora' in Rome at this time; but the three in which most legal business was done were the Forum Romanum, Forum Julium, and Forum Augusti. The last is particularly referred to in the last satire (v. 128), and was that in which most judicial business was transacted.

Luctantur paucae, comedunt coliphia paucae :
Vos lanam trahitis calathisque peracta refertis
Vellera vos tenui praegnantem stamine fusum
Penelope melius, levius torquetis Arachne,
Horrida quale facit residens in codice pellex.
Notum est cur solo tabulas impleverit Hister
Liberto, dederit vivus cur multa puellae.
Dives erit magno quae dormit tertia lecto.
Tu nube atque tace: donant arcana cylindros.

53. Luctantur paucae,] That some women engaged in the combats of the arena has been said before (i. 22, n.); and she admits it, but says they are few, while the men-women were many. Coliphia' are said to have been athletes' food, and this passage confirms it. Salmasius (ad Tertull. de Pallio, p. 220, quoted by Cramer on the Scholiast here) derives the word from the Greek κώληψ, κωλήπιον, which means the knee or ankle joint; from which Forcellini infers that the word means masses of dry tough meat, chiefly pork or beef. One of the Scholiasts says that Pythagoras taught the athletes to train upon roast beef and bread, they having been accustomed to eat figs before, and that 'coliphia' means generally the food taken by athletes. Some, be says, affirm that 'coliphia' were made of honey and leaven in an obscene form. Another Scholiast says that 'coliphia' means unleavened bread; and on Plautus (Pers. i. 3. 12: "Collyrae facite ut madeant et coliphia") Weise explains them as 'panes recenti caseo commixti.' The derivation above given seems very doubtful, but the context leaves no doubt what the food was used for sometimes.

54. Vos lanam trahitis] Trahere' is commonly used for spinning, as in Horace (C. ii. 18. 7):

"Nec Laconicas mihi

Trahunt honestae purpuras clientae." "You spin wool, and in baskets bear your clews," is Stapylton's translation. The wool was spun into threads and put by in baskets. Stamen' is the thread with which the spindle was 'pregnant,' when it was twisted round it ready for weaving. Sophocles makes Oedipus say of his sons (Oed. Col. 337):

ὦ πάντ ̓ ἐκείνω τοῖς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ νόμοις φύσιν κατεικασθέντε καὶ βίου τροφάς. ἐκεῖ γὰρ οἱ μὲν ἄρσενες κατὰ στέγας θακοῦσιν ἱστουργοῦντες . . .

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57. Horrida quale facit] 'Such as a dirty slave girl makes sitting on her codex,' which was a log of wood that slaves were sometimes compelled to wear tied to their leg by way of punishment. Propertius, iv. 7. 43, says:

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Nostraque quod Petale tulit ad monu

menta coronas,

Codicis immundi vincula sentit anus." In Plautus (Poen. v. 3. 39), quoted by Forcellini and the commentators for this sense, Melphio only means he will send the slaves to cut wood:

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-quos ego jam detrudam ad molas; Inde porro ad puteum atque ad robustum

codicem."

'Pellex' is one who, being unmarried, had
She was
intercourse with a married man.
so called with respect to the man's wife.
(See Forcellini.) Here therefore the pu-
nishment may be supposed to be inflicted
by a jealous mistress, as the Scholiast says.
espai ǎтuoi, such as sitting in the stocks,
were common punishments of the milder
sort among the Greeks and Romans, as
Casaubon shows in his note on Sueton.
Aug. 24.

58. tabulas impleverit Hister] This man, if it is the same, he calls below Hister Pacuvius (xii. 111), where he is a will-hunter, but here he makes his own will and makes his freedman who had served his lust 'heres ex asse,' the heir of all his property. As to tabulas,' see note on i. 68. He gave large sums of money to his wife before his death As to to let his filthy practices go on.

puellae' for married women, compare Hor. C. iii. 14. 10: Vos o pueri et puellae Jam virum expertae.' 'Virgines' are used in the same way in the same stanza, and in C. ii. 8. 23, nuper Virgines nuptae.'

61. donant arcana cylindros.] The reward of secrecy is jewels. Cylindri' were stones cut in this shape. See Pliny, H. N. xxxvii. 5: "Cylindros ex beryllo facere malunt

De nobis post haec tristis sententia fertur.
Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas."

Fugerunt trepidi vera ac manifesta canentem
Stoicidae. Quid enim falsi Lauronia? Sed quid
Non facient alii quum tu multicia sumas,
Cretice, et hanc vestem populo mirante perores
In Proculas et Pollitas? Est moecha Fabulla;
Damnetur, si vis, etiam Carfinia: talem
Non sumet damnata togam. "Sed Julius ardet,
Aestuo." Nudus agas; minus est insania turpis.
En habitum quo te leges ac jura ferentem

quam gemmas quoniam est summa commen-
datio in longitudine." "Tu' is addressed to
any unmarried woman, and is a common
way of speaking, as in Horace (Epp. i. 2.
62): "animum rege qui nisi paret Imperat;
hunc frenis, hunc tu compesce catena."

52. De nobis post haec] And yet after this, harsh verdict is passed upon us women; so does judgment spare the raven and hunt down the dove.' The last example is not very dove-like. 'Sententiam ferre' is more properly derived from the senate than the judicia,' where the 'judices' were said sententiam dicere' or 'pronuntiare.' In 'censura' Heinrich sees an allusion to Domitian's censorship.

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64. canentem Stoicidae.] See note on v. 10. Trepidi' means 'in confusion.' See note on Hor. C. ii. 11. 4. The indignant language of the woman is expressed by 'canentem.' It would apply to Cassandra or any one of that sort. 'Stoicidae' is only a contemptuous form of 'Stoici.' The Scholiast makes it feminine, and compares it with "O vere Phrygiae nec dum Phryges' (Virg. Aen. ix. 617), and with Troiades' in Persius, i. 4. But the form is masculine, as in Hor. S. i. 1.100, 'fortissima Tyndaridarum.' 66. quum tu multicia sumas,] The Satire now turns to those who, while they affected the Stoic opinions and character openly, practised vice in secret. The multicia' were garments of some fine transparent texture, such as the 'Coae vestes' mentioned by Horace, C. iv. 13. 13, and S. i. 2. 101 "Cois tibi paene videre est Ut nudum." See below v. 78, and xi. 188. Also vi. 259: "Hae sunt quae tenui sudant in cyclade," and viii. 101: "conchylia Coa." Creticus' is a name put for any person of station, as the Scholiast says. It occurs again in viii. 38. Perorare' is often used by Cicero, not only for the conclusion of a speech, but for the speech itself, as Forcellini shows.

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Juvenal says the man goes and harangues the people against lewd women while he is wearing these lewd garments and the people are admiring them. Proculae' is a name that occurs in inscriptions. Pollitas' appears in various shapes in the MSS. For Fabulla,' which is the reading of P. and occurs in Martial, i. 65; xii. 94, a large number of MSS. have Labulla.' The editions are divided. Carfinia' also appears as Carphinia,' Calphurnia,' and other forms. These last represent married women, who if convicted of adultery would be obliged to put off the stola, which was the honest matron's ordinary dress, and to wear a toga, which was the dress of a 'meretrix.' See Hor. S. i. 2. 63, n. Ruperti says Juvenal does not allude here to this. I think he does.

70. Sed Julius ardet,] Creticus is supposed to answer, in excuse for his garments, that in this hot weather his blood boils. He is told that he had better go into court naked at once, for though the people would call him mad, madness was not so disgrace. ful as indecency. Nudus' was said of one who appeared only in his tunic. See Cicero, Phil. ii. 86: “O praeclaram illam eloquentiam tuam quum es nudus contionatus! quid hoc turpius? quid foedius? quid suppliciis omnibus dignius," by which and like passages Heinrich supports the reading infamia' instead of insania,' which is that of most MSS. and all editions but his own and Grangaeus', who says, "albis dentibus ridendi qui legunt insania pro infamia."

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72. En habitum] Ruperti conjectures me for 'te,' and supposes Creticus to speak what follows, which he says is "difficillimus locus." It appears to me pretty plain. Heinecke's interpretation given by Ruperti seems equally with his beside the mark. Juvenal says, "See the

dress in which the citizens just returned

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