SATIRE VII.

Argument.

THIS Satire contains an animated account of the general discouragement under which Literature laboured at Rome. Beginning with Poetry, (of which several interesting circumstances are introduced, it proceeds with great regularity through the various departments of History, Law, Oratory, Rhetorick, and Grammar: interspersing many curious anecdotes, and enlivening each different head with such satirical, humorous, and sentimental remarks, as naturally flow from the subject.

SATIRE VII.

TO TELESINUS.

v. 1-2.

YES, all the hopes of learning, 'tis confest,
And all the patronage, on CÆSAR rest:

VER. 2. And all the patronage, on CÆSAR rest :] There have been many disputes among the learned concerning the Cæsar who is here styled the sole patron of the arts. Grangæus will have it to be Trajan, and warns his readers to be careful how they understand it of Domitian. Britannicus does the same; and quotes a very apposite passage from the Panegyricks of Pliny in support of his opinion. Some will have it to be Nerva; who, though a poet himself, was little disposed to patronise poetry in others; and others, again, Nero. Lubin, however, and Grævius, et quorum melior sententia, understand it of Domitian.

This dutiful prince, it appears, had once an idea of contesting the empire with his father: finding the armies, however, averse to his designs, he retired from all publick business, and, with a specious appearance of content, lived in a kind of solitude: pretending that poetry, and literary pursuits in general, were his only passion. This mask he continued to wear during the reign of

*

*The attachment of the Emperour to Minerva is frequently noticed by Juvenal's contemporaries. Thus Martial, in that detestable medley of flattery and impiety, (lib. IX. 4,)

"Pallada prætereo; res agit illa tuas."

Whether the goddess took as much pleasure in him, as he pro

For he alone the drooping Nine regards-
When now our best and most illustrious bards

Titus; and whether habit had begot a kind of nature, or that he thought it dangerous to lay aside the hypocrite too soon, I know not; but from one or other of these causes, he certainly patronised the arts at his accession: Quintilian, Statius, Valerius Flaccus, Martial, &c. tasted of his bounty, and sang his praises with more gratitude, perhaps, than truth.

This Satire must have been written in the early part of Domitian's reign. Like the fifth and sixth (both of which were somewhat posterior to it) it has few political allusions, and, with the exception of the short passage, for which the author is supposed to have suffered, might have been published under the most inquisitorial tyranny.

In giving" one honest line" of praise to Domitian, Juvenal probably meant to stimulate him to extend his patronage. I am persuaded that he did not think very ill of him at this time, while he augured happily for the future. Nor is it certain, but that the anguish he felt at finding his predictions falsified, and his "sole patron of literature" changed, in a few years, into a ferocious and

fessed to do in her, I cannot say; but, according to the custom of the Emperours in selecting some favourite deity for their especial worship, he made choice, as I have said, of Minerva. In Beger's Numismata, a Pallas frequently accompanies Domitian on the reverse of his coins: and on one of them (Tab. XXXII. 4) he appears in the act of sacrificing to her, with his head veiled, in the usual manner. There is little doubt, I think, but that these representations allude to some former attachment of his to the cause of literature: at all events, this strengthens the opinion hazarded above, that the poet meant to speak of the early part of Domitian's reign.

That he afterwards changed his sentiments, and fell suddenly upon men of letters, is certain: but this may readily be accounted for, from his disposition, which was at once crafty and violent. Thus he is represented by Xiphil. in the beginning of lib. LXVII.

και

Δομιτιανος δε ην μεν και θρασυς και οργίλος, ην δε επίβολος και κρύψινες ώστε αφ' ἑκατέρων των μεν το προπετες, των δε το δόλιον έχων, πολλα μεν ὡς σκηπλος οξέως εμπιπλων τισιν, ελυμαινετο, πολλα δε και εκ παρασκευης εκακεργεί.

In Massinger's Roman Actor, there are several ingenious and truly classical allusions to the reliance which Domitian fondly placed on the partiality of this deity.

Drop their ungrateful studies, and aspire,
Baths, bagnios, what they can, for bread, to hire;
With humbled views, a life of toil embrace,
And deem a crier's business no disgrace;
Since Clio, driven by hunger from the shade,
Mixes in crowds, and bustles for a trade.

And truly, if (the bard's too frequent curse)
No coin be found in thy Pierian purse,
'Twere not ill done to copy, for the nonce,
Machæra, and turn auctioneer at once.
Hie, my poetick friend; in accents loud,
Commend thy precious lumber to the crowd,
Tubs, presses, chests, jointstools; swell with the
praise

Of Edipus and Tereus, the damn'd plays
Of Faustus, Paccius :-better so, than deal
In oaths and informations, for a meal,
Leave that resource to Cappadocian knights,
To Gallogreeks, and such newfangled wights

bloody persecutor of all the arts, might have exasperated his resentment, and produced that superiour hatred, with which he pursues his memory.

VER. 19. Of Faustus, Paccius:-] For Paccius some copies have Bacchus. It signifies little which we read, for nothing is known of either. Their works luckily followed-it may be, preceded— them; or, according to the happy expression of a lady, lamenting the premature fate of her infant,

"Their babes, which ne'er received the gift of breath,
"Did pass before them, through the gates of death!"

VER. 21. Leave that resource to Cappadocian knights, &c.] Who has not heard of the three kappas ?

rpia natuwa naniça,

Κρήτες, Καππαδόκες, Κίλικες.

There is a curious circumstance respecting the Cappadocians