of the City Hall and elsewhere, and the whole State may be said to be a seething caldron of political discussion and campaign work all this in the most orderly fashion and without any great evidences of excitement; certainly entirely without violence. There are few signs of bitterness, in spite of the great earnestness of feeling on both sides. The general drift of opinion seems to be that Mr. McKinley will be elected; that the sentiment against free coinage. has been rapidly gaining ground in many quarters during the past few weeks; and that some of the Central Western States which were doubtful at the beginning may now fairly be counted on the Republican side.

The one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the granting of the original charter to the College of New Jersey, long known as Princeton College, was celebrated last week under clear skies, amid autumnal splendors, and in the presence of the most distinguished company of scholars ever gathered in this country, and of a great body of alumni. The exercises began on Tuesday, when the first academic procession, splendid in gown and hood, made its way from Marquand Chapel to Alexander Hall, where President Patton preached on "Religion and the University." In the afternoon there was a reception to the delegates of other institutions of learning, the address of welcome being responded to by President Eliot, of Harvard, on behalf of the American universities and scientific societies, and by Professor Joseph John Thomson, of Cambridge University, on behalf of the Old World universities and scientific societies. A formal reception in the library followed, and the day ended with a concert by the Damrosch Orchestra, the programme being especially appropriate to the occasion. Wednesday, was in certain respects the most interesting day of the three, and the streets of Princeton were crowded in the early morning, while decorations made the old town gay with orange and black. The academic procession was watched with the greatest interest as it approached Alexander Hall, headed by President Patton, Dr. Charles E. Green, and Governor Griggs.

The ode read by Dr. Henry van Dyke was characteristically felicitous in expression and clear in thought, with a ringing moral quality. It touched with a fine and strong hand the salient features in the history of Princeton, and interpreted sympathetically the spirit of its history. A few characteristic lines reveal its quality:

"I see thee standing in a lonely land
But late and hardly won from solitude,
Unpopulous and rude,-

On that far Western shore I see thee stand,
Like some young goddess from a brighter strand,
While in thine eyes a radiant thought is born,
Enkindling all thy beauty like the morn,
And guiding to thy work a powerful hand.
Sea-like the forest rolled in waves of green,
And few the lights that glimmered, leagues between,
High in the north, for fourscore years alone
Fair Harvard's earliest beacon-tower had shone;
Then Yale was lighted, and an answering ray
Flashed from the meadows by New Haven Bay.
But deeper spread the forest, and more dark,
Where first Neshaminy received the spark
Of sacred learning to its frail abode,
And nursed the holy fire until it glowed.
Thine was the courage, thine the larger look,
That raised yon taper from its humble nook;
Thine was the hope, and thine the stronger will,
That built the beacon here on Princeton hill.
'New light!' men cried, and murmured that it came
From an unlicensed source with lawless flame;
It shone too free, for still the church and school
Must only shine according to their rule.

But Princeton answered, in her nobler mood, 'God made the light, and all the light is good. There is no war between the old and new; The conflict lies between the false and true. The stars, that high in heaven their courses run, In glory differ, but their light is one. The beacons, gleaming o'er the sea of life, Are rivals, but in radiance, not in strife. Shine on, ye sister towers, across the night! I, too, will build a lasting home for light."" Professor Woodrow Wilson's address on "Princeton in the Nation's Service brought out in clear light the extraordinary place which Princeton has filled through her graduates in the public life of the country.

In the afternoon there was the usual football game, watched by six thousand people, in which Princeton was easily victorious. After dark came the feature of the celebration, which belonged specially to the undergraduates, and which contributed a picturesque element to the stately academic festival. This was the torchlight procession, made up of graduates of the University from a long series of classes and ending with a great crowd of undergraduates; torches flashing from end to end of the line, with humorous transparencies and floats with apt and witty local hits, illuminations from electric lamps and endless rows of Chinese lanterns, and a general air of gayety and good fellowship characteristic of an institution whose social life is exceptionally agreeable. Thursday marked the culmination of the exercises, which may be said to have been reached when President Patton announced, in Alexander Hall, that the College of New Jersey is hereafter to be known as Princeton University, and that the sum of $3,353,491 has been given as a kind of centennial endowment fund to be devoted to different purposes. A large number of degrees were conferred upon scholars and men of distinction in different ranks of life; in fact, modern scholarship has never been more generously, or, on the whole, more discriminatingly, recognized than on this occasion. Among the literary men who received academic recognition were Professors Baird, Lounsbury, and March; Mr. Charles Dudley Warner, Mr. Horace E. Scudder, Mr. Richard Watson Gilder.

President Cleveland, whose presence had everywhere been greeted enthusiastically, was the orator of the day, and rose fully to the occasion, his exposition of the college man's duty as a citizen being characteristically urgent in its emphasis upon patriotism and duty. The dignity of the utterance and the deep emotion of the speaker were widely commented upon. The peculiar function of the universities in public crises was very happily suggested in a paragraph:

"While the excitement of party warfare presses dangerously near our National safeguards, I would have the intelligent conservatism of our universities and colleges warn the contestants in impressive tones. against the perils of a breach impossible to repair. When popular discontent and passion are stimulated by the arts of designing partisans to a pitch perilously near to class hatred or sectional anger, I would have our universities and colleges sound the alarm in the name of American brotherhood and fraternal dependence. When the attempt is made to delude the people into the belief that their suffrages can change the operation of natural laws, I would have our universities and colleges proclaim that those laws are inexorable and far removed from political control. When selfish interest seeks undue private benefit through governmental aid, and public places are claimed as rewards of party service, I would have our universities and colleges persuade the people to a relinquishment of the demand for party spoils and exhort them to a disinterested and patriotic love of their Government for its own sake, and because in its true adjustment and unperverted operation it secures to every citizen his just share of the safety and prosperity it holds in store for all. When a design is apparent to lure the people from their honest thoughts and to blind their eyes to the sad plight of National dishonor and bad

faith, I would have Princeton University, panoplied in her patriotic traditions and glorious memories, and joined by all the other universities and colleges of our land, cry out against the infliction of this treacherous and fatal wound. I would have the influence of these institutions on the side of religion and morality. I would have those they send out among the people not ashamed to acknowledge God, and to claim his interposition in the affairs of men, enjoining such obedience to his laws as makes manifest the path of National perpetuity and prosperity.",.

The festival ended with a great dinner in the evening, and Princeton University is to be congratulated on the good taste, the dignity, and the variety which characterized the elaborate exercises. The task of making the arrangements for the occasion was a very heavy one; it fell largely upon the shoulders of Professor West, who discharged it with extraordinary energy, judgment, and success. The whole country will unite in an expression of hearty good will to Princeton University, so long eminent for the patriotic service and work of its graduates.

These brilliant academic exercises in Princeton were followed on Saturday by academic exercises in New York City less impressive to the eye but not less indicative of educational life and progress. The new site of Barnard College on Morningside Heights, opposite the grounds of Columbia College, was formally dedicated by the laying of the corner-stones of two new and imposing buildings-Milbank Hall and Brinckerhoff Hall. The day was fair, the sky bright, and there was a great concourse of the friends of higher education for women in this city. The procession, which moved at half-past two from the Teachers' College, included many of the most prominent people in the city; there was a goodly number of college men in academic costume, and touches of color here and there gave an element of picturesqueness to the company. The addresses were made by Bishop Potter, President Low, and Mr. W. C. Brownell, temporary Chairman of the Trustees of Barnard College, The speeches were brief, as such speeches ought to be, but they were full of stimulating memories and of inspiring hopes. President Low and Bishop Potter share the gift of always having something to say and of saying it. The corner-stone of Milbank Hall was laid by the daughter of Mrs. A. A. Anderson, who places herself, by her generous benefaction, in the noble company of the founders of colleges; and that of Brinckerhoff Hall by Miss Emily James Smith, the Dean of the College. The large block of ground on the Boulevard which is to be the site of Barnard College cost $160,000; Milbank Hall is to cost $170,000, and Brinckerhoff Hall about $130,000. The friends of the College have therefore secured during the past four years about half a million dollars. The institution now needs another half-million as an endowment. Those New Yorkers who have walked over the ground at Morningside Heights and have been' able to see in imagination the group of buildings which is soon to crown what may be fitly called the acropolis of the island, have caught a vision of the greater metropolis that is to be a vision which needs to be translated into stone and mortar, beautiful grounds, and magnificent endowments by the generosity of those who have found in this city the opportunities of fortune. Every man who has made a competency in New York owes it to New York to share his prosperity with the community. It is this spirit which has given Chicago so intense a civic life, and has built up a great metropolis in so short a time. Half a million dollars endowment for Barnard College is sorely needed.

Eternal vigilance seems to be the price of public forest reservations. They appeal so deeply to the cupidity of

mankind that they become the constant prey of numerous forms of vandalism, many of which succeed in masking themselves under the guise of public benefit. For many

years efforts have been on foot among far-seeing and patriotic citizens of New York State to secure the enlargement and permanent protection of the Adirondack reservation. Its importance to the water system of the State, and as a conservator of health and natural beauty, has compelled the long-delayed, almost reluctant, attention on the part of the lawmaking power, but without materially curbing the greed of those who found their account in the spoliation of the timber. Some time before the assembling of the last Constitutional Convention it was discovered that the laws regulating the cutting of trees within the reservation were utterly ineffective, by reason of the lack of support in local public sentiment. In executing permits to cut the larger timber the most wanton destruction resulted, and a flagrant disregard of the interest of the State was exhibited. After long and careful examination of the question by the late Constitutional Convention, a proviso was incorporated in the Constitution, at the instance of the New York Board of Trade and Transportation, prohibiting altogether the cutting of timber on public lands. This we believe was the only proviso of the Constitution which received the unanimous vote of the Convention, and the ratification of the Constitution by the people seemed to place the reserve beyond reach of . the lumberman's ax. But the enemies of trees were not to be so speedily outwitted, and at the last Legislature a constitutional amendment was proposed, which is to be voted upon on the 3d of November, virtually undoing the reform already accomplished, by permitting the leasing of five-acre plots.

The one specious argument under which this is urged, and which, we regret to say, has the support of the State Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, is the old onethat it will prove "a source of revenue to the State." This argument is a measure of the depth to which the State policy on this subject may descend. Here is a great forested region in the hands of the State, the spoliation of which would inflict a calamity upon the entire watershed of northern New York, as well as upon the canal system of the State, to the ultimate destruction, moreover, of the sanitary advantages of the Adirondacks, which the advocates of the new amendment affect to have at heart. Its preservation is beyond considerations of expense. It would be better from every point of view that the Adirondack reserve should remain intact, even if it were to be a considerable charge upon the taxpayers of the State-a remote contingency; for if the destruction of the forests which are now in private hands in the vicinity of the public reservation continues at the present rate, there is no doubt that the time will come when the principle of eminent domain will have to be invoked to save what is left. The leasing of small tracts throughout the park would simply result in the defeat by piecemeal of the main object for which the park was originally established. Voters would. do well in this matter to follow the lead of the New York Board of Trade and of the New York State Association for the Protection of Fish and Game, in opposing at the polls this vicious amendment.

The semi-centennial of the American Missionary Association, of which we give a report in another column, was more than a local or a denominational jubilee. When this Association was formed, the slave power apparently dominated the continent. Texas had been annexed, with a promise that four new slave States should be organized

-out of it. The Mexican War was bringing another immense territory into the United States, which, but for the discovery of gold in California and the unexpected growth of anti-slavery sentiment in the North, would have been largely if not wholly given over to slavery. The two great political parties were bidding against each other for the vote of the slave States. The great missionary societies The great missionary societies and a majority of the churches were silent respecting slavery or apologetic for it. This was the hour when a few earnest men, who did not think they must abandon Christianity because they were philanthropists, organized the American Missionary Association to preach a law embodied in the Golden Rule, and a Gospel which should proclaim liberty to all men-the law of human brotherhood and the gospel of freedom. The half-century of our noblest National life was remembered in Boston in this

Jubilee celebration. It will be adequately celebrated only by a life of fifty years as courageous, honest, far-seeing, and devoted in completing the work which emancipation only began..

All prophecies that we have seen have been disproven in the appointment of the successor to the late Dr. Benson as Archbishop of Canterbury. The great office has been filled by the choice of the Rt. Hon. and Rt. Rev. Dr. Frederick Temple, Bishop of London, Provincial Dean of Canterbury, and Dean of the Chapels Royal. Dr. Temple is one of the ablest men in the Church; the only occasion for surprise at the appointment is furnished by his age; he is now about seventy-five years old. He has had a distinguished career both at the University and in the Church. He graduated at Oxford with the highest honors, after which he became tutor there; later was master at Rugby, and afterward Bishop of Exeter. In 1885 he was appointed Bishop of London. He is the author of the first of the seven "Essays and Reviews" about which there was great controversy some years ago. He is a striking example of the tendency towards conservatism which often comes with age. A few years since he was recognized as a somewhat extreme Liberal; now he is

a

States is not a party to that treaty, and therefore is not bound by its provisions. The semi-official announcement that permission would not be granted to the United States to send a war-ship through the Dardanelles was replied to by fitting out the Bancroft, a vessel small enough to be within the limits of a guard-ship for the use of our Ambassador, such as the other Powers maintain in the Golden Horn. The Turk understands actions better than words, and the present indications are that not only will the Bancroft be allowed to pass up the Dardanelles, but that its presence will materially expedite some long and vexatiously delayed negotiations; that the Porte will abandon the claim hitherto maintained that a Turk cannot be naturalized and become a United States citizen without the Sultan's consent; that he will recognize as American citizens returning Armenians if naturalized and provided with United States passports; and that families of such Armenians will be hereafter permitted to come to the United States. Not less significant is the fact that the official organ of the Russian Government at St. Petersburg has suddenly learned that Christians have been massacred by the Turks at Van, which is near the Russian frontier. This, we believe, is the first information which has reached the Russian press of the Armenian massacres, and it indicates that Russia may be preparing to move on Turkey; if so, it is probably with the consent and approbation of Great Britain.

The criticism of Mr. Gladstone's position by the Rosebery

regarded as a somewhat extreme Conservative: formerly he was a Broad Churchman; now he is a High Churchman. The honor could not have been more worthily conferred, and it has fallen upon the one next in the line of succession, although that order has not usually been observed in the past. Indeed, Mr. Gladstone offered the position to Dean Church before it was conferred upon Dr. Benson. If he were twenty years younger, a great career might be predicted for the new Primate. Under the circumstances his term of office must be brief, and no great innovations need be expected.

Several recent incidents indicate a better hope for the future of the Armenians-though the indications are slight, and not too much can be safely deduced from them. The Black Sea, apart from special treaty, is an open sea, to which any naval or commercial power would have right of access through the Dardanelles. But by the Treaty of London of 1871 the parties to that treaty agreed that foreign ships of war should not exercise this right without the consent of the Porte previously obtained. The United

portion of the Liberal party has apparently done nothing to change his opinions or lessen his courage. The cable announces a letter written by him last week and read at a meeting in London called to protest against Turkish atrocities. He is reported to have said that it would be a wild paradox to say that the enforcement of British treaty rights to stop the systematic massacres in Turkey would provoke hostilities from the Powers. He added that it would be abandoning duty and prudence to advertise beforehand, for the ears of the Great Assassin, that British action was limited to what the most backward of the Six Powers deemed sufficient. Following this comes Mr. Gladstone's cablegram to the managers of the Armenian meeting in New York City: "I rejoice in the rescue of any faction of the Armenians from the fangs of the Great Assassin. So long as the inaction of the Powers continues, the situation will be shameful as well as sad, but the deeds are recorded both in Heaven and before man, and constantly accumulating horrors may yet work the downfall of that crying iniquity known as the Turkish Empire." Per contra is the extraordinary report that the German Emperor has taken this time to present to the Sultan a portrait of himself and, of all things most incredible, his wife, as a special token of his friendly regard, and, it is hardly too much to say, a notification to the other European Powers that any attack on the Porte will be regarded as an attack on his own personal friend, which Germany will be bound in honor to resent and resist. That in case of war AustroHungary would join her forces with those of Germany is certain; it is not certain whether Italy could keep out of the war, or, if she engaged in it, where she would be found. Terrible as a general European war would be, impossible as it is to see what would be the final issue, it

is almost absolutely certain that it would end the domination of the Turk and result in the overthrow of the Ottoman Empire. Some events are worse than war; such an event is cowardly acquiescence in wholesale massacre.

The Italian royal wedding by which Princess Helen of Montenegro becomes the Crown Princess of Italy is a matrimonial event of no ordinary importance. It is known that the present Czar has had a friendly interest in furthering this event, both from family and from political reasons. So pleased was Alexander III. with the matrimonial alliances of two daughters of the Prince of Montenegro with members of the Russian royal family that he wished his son to become the husband of Princess Helen. The son, however, willed otherwise, but was enough im

pressed with the beautiful princess to have especial attention shown her at the Moscow coronation, and to see that she and the Crown Prince of Italy saw as much of each other as possible. The result is the marriage which was celebrated with fitting ceremonies in Rome on Saturday of last week. The impulsive and generous Italians are overjoyed at the event, for Victor Emanuel had advanced beyond the age when most princes marry. It has been an open secret that for years King Humbert has been endeavoring to obtain for his son a proper matrimonial alliance. Protestants were ruled out, of course, and there was slim chance of obtaining the hand of any Catholic princess, since the royal house to which she belonged had to choose between recognizing the King or abandoning fealty to the Pope. The difficulty, as we have seen, has been solved by Princess Helen, who from the Greek Catholic Church becomes a convert to the Roman Catholic. Up to within a few months the relations between Russia and Italy have been much strained on account of the Abyssinian war, but as the Prince of Montenegro was once spoken of by Alexander III. as "the only friend I have in Europe," it is understood that the strain has now been relieved. With Italy more and more drawn to Russia, and consequently to France, it is easy to see that the Triple Alliance may one day lose its weakest member.

The difficulties of the Spanish Government do not diminish as time goes on. On the one hand, the concession of anything like autonomy to Cuba would probably mean not only the overthrow of the Cánovas Ministry, but would very likely imperil the existence of the monarchy itself; on the other hand, the enormous expenses involved in the hitherto futile attempt to reconquer the island have brought Spain to the verge of bankruptcy. Money must be raised in large amounts, but the indications are that a loan cannot be made unless the Government's policy in Cuba is radically changed. No money will be forthcoming from European capitalists until there is a decided change in the Cuban situation, either in the way of decisive Spanish successes or of a great reduction of expenses. Neither of these conditions is likely to be secured.

The Political Issues

IV. Safeguards of Democracy

History abundantly demonstrates that a chief peril of democracy lies in the unregulated and unrestrained passions... of the populace. The judgment of the common people. can be trusted when there is time to call it into exercise... But wise judgment requires deliberation, and deliberation requires time; too often masses of men acting together without deliberation, and inciting each other's illusivehopes or feverish fears, create now a sanguine delusion,.. now a perilous panic, the one as groundless as the other.. This tendency of the mass to become a mob and of the: mob to act without reason is sufficiently familiar to the: student of history, sufficiently evident to the reflective student of our own times; it needs not here to be either demonstrated or illustrated.

To guard against this dangerous tendency of democracy and save it from self-destruction, the framers of the United States Constitution provided three restrictions on the other-.. wise absolute power of the majority. They discarded the single chamber which had been attempted by Francethough afterwards abandoned even there and provided a United States Senate, which could not be radically changed at a single National election. They framed a written Constitution, and reserved to the States all the powers not in that Constitution expressly delegated to the Federal government. And they provided a Supreme Court, whose members, elected for life, would be as independent of popular prejudice and passion as permanency of tenure could make them, and to the final arbitrament of this independent: tribunal referred all questions which might arise as to the respective powers, under the Constitution, of the Executive and Legislative Departments. The ablest political writers,. both English and American, have recognized in the Supreme Court the greatest contribution made in recent. history to the science of self-government. Any attempt to weaken the threefold restraint which democracy has thus put upon itself-by the construction of the Senate, the supremacy of the written Constitution, and the authority of the Supreme Court-is fraught with peril to self-government upon this continent. Is such an attempt implied in that clause of the Democratic platform which intimates a possi-. ble method of overcoming the decision of the Supreme. Court respecting the constitutionality of the income tax law? That clause is as follows:

"We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all the constitutional power which remains after that decision, or which may come from its reversal by the Court as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the burden of taxation may be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expenses of the government."

The Outlook does not believe in a Federal income tax. But it is perfectly legitimate for those who do so believe to employ in favor of the imposition of such a tax all the constitutional power which remains after the Supreme Court's decision. Whatever is objectionable in this plank of the Chicago platform is comprised in the apparently innocent words "or which may come from its reversal by the Court as it may hereafter be constituted." Whether these words are innocent or menacing depends upon the construction given to them. For there are three ways in which that Court

its moral power. The decision of such a Court would have no greater moral influence than the decision of the party whose creation it was and whose decree it registered. Or, without any such instant reversal of its decision by partisan legislation, when from time to time death produced vacancies, the President, or successive Presidents, might appoint Judges for the purpose of securing a reversal of the preceding decision. This would produce a similar result by a slower process. The tendency would still be to make the Supreme Court a partisan tribunal, constituted, not to render impartial judgments, but to facilitate party purposes. The fact, if it be a fact, that something like this has been done in the past does not tend to reconcile the lover of his country to a repetition of the operation in the future. Finally, in the natural course of events the personnel of the Supreme Court must change, as deaths and new appointments follow each other, and it is entirely possible that by this process such changes might be made in the Court, accompanying a gradual change in public sentiment, as would secure from the Court in the future a judgment that the income tax is constitutional. To such a reconstitution of the Court no one could or would object. For it is a mistake to suppose that any considerable body of Americans think that Court is infallible, or that it is above criticism, or that one may not differ from it, or hope for a future reversal of its decision, or even anticipate such a reversal. It is the function of the Supreme Court, not to be a substitute for the popular judgment or the popular will, but to put such a check on the popular will as to preserve the Nation from its own undeliberate judgment and consequent follies, panics, and passions.

There are three reasons for apprehending that more than such a very gradual and unintentioned reconstitution of the Supreme Court is threatened by the plank which we have quoted above.

The first is the very ambiguity of the phraseology. A suggestion of peril is sufficient to put the cautious man upon his guard. It is not necessary to affirm that the more revolutionary thought was in the minds of those who drafted this platform; it is enough, in the absence of any clear and emphatic disavowal, to affirm that it is capable of that interpretation. If the Chicago candidates were elected, the country could not charge them with inconsistency if they attempted to reconstitute the Supreme Court by the most radical of the methods above suggested, and it is not impossible that the more radical of their party would charge them with cowardice if they did not.

A second reason for seeing a menace to the Supreme Court in this plank is the general spirit of the platform. That spirit may at least be characterized as one of popular impatience of restraints upon the popular will. The injustice wrought by the gold standard is to be corrected by the immediate free coinage of silver, regardless alike of foreign and domestic credit, of present contracts, and of serious commercial disaster. The ebullition of popular passion in a mob threatening the United States mails and interState commerce is not to be interfered with unless the local authorities choose to interfere. The power of the Executive to appoint party or personal favorites to office is not to be restrained by the regulations of a civil service system. It is quite consonant with these expressions of an impatient democracy that it should wish to revolutionize the Supreme Court whenever it finds the Supreme Court an obstacle to its wishes.

A third reason for seeing in this plank a menace to the independence of the judiciary is to be found in the well-known opinions of the Presidential candidate who stands

upon it. If in his defense of this plank he has disavowed the more drastic interpretation, we have failed to see such disavowal; and his previously expressed opinions, though they do not of themselves justify the charge that he would sanction an immediate reconstruction of the Supreme Court for the purpose of securing a judicial approval of the income tax, do justify the assertion that, in his judgment, that Court should be a reflection of the popular will, not a check upon it. We quote from an interesting article by the Hon. William J. Bryan, published in the June number (1896) of the "Nebraska Literary Magazine," a quarterly issued by the English Club of the University of Nebraska. The paragraph here quoted contains all that he says respecting the Federal judiciary:

"The present method of selecting Federal judges is wrong. Nearly all the States elect the judges who preside over State courts, and find no difficulty in securing competent officials. When a judge is elected for a limited term, he can be re-elected if his conduct is such as to so merit it; but a judge appointed for life can only with very great difficulty be deposed, no matter how unsatisfactory he may prove. A President, who generally appoints upon the recommendation of a few members of the dominant party, cannot choose as intelligently as the people themselves, and the power to depose by a refusal to re-elect is an essential restraint even upon a judge. All human beings, to a greater or less extent, acquire a certain bias from association and environment, and on the great questions which divide society that bias unconsciously influences the mind of the judge. Life positions are apt to breed indifference in the public servant, no matter in what position he is placed."

To Mr. Bryan's opinion on this subject The Outlook is diametrically and earnestly opposed. Whether judges are elected or appointed is a minor matter: some very good judges have been elected-and some very bad ones; some very bad judges have been appointed-and some very good ones. What is essential is that, once elected or appointed, they should be absolutely independent of the electing or appointing power. It is well-nigh as fatal to the independence of the judiciary to have the judges come before the people periodically for re-election-and before the machine for renomination- -as it is to have them dependent on a king or a president for continuance in their office. Officials appointed to carry out the will of the people ought to hold offices of short tenure. But judges are not appointed to carry out the will of the people. They are often the only protection a hapless minority possesses against the tyranny of numbers. Anything which tends to make them subservient to popular impulse tends to the overthrow of popular government. For, as the most essential quality in the self-government of the individual is the power of self-restraint, so the most essential quality in democratic government is the same quality of selfrestraint, at once symbolized and made effective in a judiciary absolutely independent of popular caprice.

In our judgment, a serious, perhaps the most serious, criticism on the Chicago platform and the Chicago party is the tacit condemnation in the first and the evident impatience in the second of the safeguards of democracy in the constitutional provisions for its self-restraint.

The Work of a Great University

President Cleveland in his address at Princeton last week admirably summed up the seemingly many functions of a great university-though they are really all one; and Dr. van Dyke, in his historical article, written with the affectionate reverence of an alumnus, and published in this week's issue of The Outlook, shows how nobly this function has been fulfilled by Princeton University.

Princeton is, in the popular estimation, synonymous with