Correspondence

[For other Correspondence see page 796]
A Criticism

To the Editors of The Outlook:

Your letter of October 15, 1896, was duly received. I should be glad to take your paper, but I think $3 is too high these times under a gold standard. Two dollars will buy as much now as $4 would a few years ago. As you are in favor of the existing gold standard, you ought to be satisfied to reduce the price of your paper to $2. You are too intelligent to believe that bimetallism will ever be established by the co-operation of Great Britain and the principal commercial nations, unless it is first established by the United States. What the St. Louis platform says about it is a "tub thrown to amuse the whale."

I am in favor of a paper currency based on gold and silver in the Government vaults, dollar for dollar. I would cancel all greenbacks and Treasury notes as fast as they are redeemed; have no banks of issue and circulation; wind up all national banks as fast as their charters expire; would favor and regulate banks of deposit and discount; issue government certificates on all the gold and silver bullion offered at the present weight and ratio, and make them a legal tender for all debts, public and private; coin the bullion at the convenience of the Government; pay creditors gold or silver at the option of the debtor; place gold and silver on an equality as money.

The country will then have a stable currency, not based on confidence or fiat money, and not liable to create a panic for fear it cannot or will not be kept on a par with gold, as the gold and silver parties alternate in power; a currency that will expand as fast as the wealth and population of the country expand. It will require no expert skill in banking to provide a currency of that kind. Such a revolution in the currency should be wrought out gradually, with a desire to produce as little disturbance of business and injustice as possible.

Very likely gold would go to a premium at first. but the immense demand for silver would so enhance its value that the two metals would soon circulate at par as money. Its commercial value, fixed by the gamblers of the stock exchange in London, Berlin, Paris, and New York, would fluctuate, but the mint value would be practically stable. Our experience from 1792 to 1873 shows that such a currency in substance could be established, if gold financiers would consent to it. Then the currency question would not be political.

It appears to me that the "two principles by which we may well be guided in times of moral perplexity," found on page 643 of The Outlook for October 10th, are too shadowy to be applied to this currency question, when you agree that we are suffering from the fraud of 1873 demonetizing silver, when the Matthews resolution, January 25-28, 1878, passed the Senate by a vote of two to one, and the House by a vote of three to one, provided" that to return to its coinage such silver coins as legal tender in payment of said bonds, principal and interest, is not a violation of the public faith, nor in derogation of the rights of the public creditors," when the House passed a free-coinage bill in 1890, which McKinley voted for, and when the Senate now has a majority of nine for free silver, If the doctrine of your two moral principles had prevailed, slavery never would have been abolished. Where one creditor will be hurt by free coinage, fifty debtors will be benefited; and many creditors will be more benefited by the appreciation of other property than hurt by decline in money.

If these low prices continue until a majority of the farmers become tenants of their creditors, the country at large will suffer more than it will if a few thousand creditors lose a few millions of dollars by the decline in money. Let me state a case. The great majority of our creditors are the holders of green backs, and the bonds bought with greenbacks. They cost, on an average, fifty cents on the dollar, measured in gold. Under a gold standard they have doubled in value by the appreciation of gold, giving them a profit of four dollars to one. Do you call that just? Would there be any injustice now to redeem the greenbacks and bonds in silver worth fifty-three cents on the dollar, measured by the commercial value (which is not the mint value) and ICO cents by the mint or money value?

I have tried to condense. Hope I am understood. D. L. PRATT, Ex-Cir. Judge. Hillsdale, Mich.

ness and economic system whose evils are widely felt and acknowledged.

Into certain aspects of this conduct The Outlook has entered, which, if the writer understand the position of an accredited independent catholic journal-a journal imbued with the scientific and social spirit-is a step its friends did not expect to see it take. To instance, The Outlook of June 27 said, in substance, that we are obliged to take the judgment of experts upon the money question, though experts are likely to be biased, or are not always disinterested parties; that the gold standard has worked great injury and injustice; that free coinage of silver would, without the consent of the leading nations to bimetallism, produce greater injustice and inequality; and that, therefore, we had better remain under a gold standard, though serious evils attend it, until bimetallism is secured by international agreement. The admissions in the above declaration are all that the gold-standard advocates asked in the opening of the campaign, as subsequent discussion has proven.

The first admission is that the money question must be referred to experts; the next is that silver monometallism would be worse than gold monometallism; the third is that bimetallism cannot exist without the joint agreement of nations. These neutralize completely the accusations, which are, first, that experts may be selfish; and, second, that gold has wrought great injustice.

Now, the logic of all who have supported the St. Louis platform is that expert judgment assures the only safe financial policy; that the people are not capable of rendering a just decision upon so important a matter, and, therefore, they should vote for a financial system proposed by those who believe that gold is the only sound basis for money, or is the only money furnished by commercial experience and nature; that no legislation is needed upon the question. Hence The Outlook's first admission is made the reason for shifting the whole question of finance from the people, from legislation, from Congress, to the men who are called experts, and these are the few who have pronounced the gold standard sound and safe. This virtually distrusts the popular convictions, which are bimetallic, and which have arisen, not out of unmoral nor immoral people, but out of those basic virtues which declare what is just and right between men.

Concerning the second admission of The Outlook, that silver would be worse than gold as the only basic money, it turns out that the party The Outlook supports holds, in the arguments made, that the gold standard has no evils and has not wrought great injustice, and hence it is not to be set aside. And as to having bimetallism by international agreement, the arguments of this party are that the commercial nations do not want bimetallism. This was the only thing in The Outlook's deliverance that pointed to the settlement of the question by popular consent; and yet, after the Republican leaders, speakers, and interpreters have spent the time in this campaign in showing that bimetallism has proven a failure in the commercial nations, it seeks to swell the vote for Mr. McKinley in a series of editorials saying that he is more likely to secure bimetallism for us than Mr. Bryan. If this party had made an argument throughout the discussion harmonizing with its plank on the money issue, or had acknowledged the evils of the present system and that we must get around to bimetallism as soon as possible, The Outlook would not be in quite so bad an attitude, and it would not have given substantial aid to views that seriously distrust the popular mind of this country. The Outlook contends strongly for democracy and the acceptance of democracy's results, though these may involve some evils; but this writer has noticed that when a real issue arises in politics-not in religion or theology-it departs from its creed.

It is time for journals and teachers who feed the social virtues to show absolute or practical faith in their philosophy.

Glenwood, Mo.

G. E. CUNNINGHAM, Pastor M. E. Church.

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On examining the answers it was found that thirty out of thirty-five had never been in the woods, nineteen had never seen Lake Michigan, eight had never picked a flower. During the writing of the answers one little girl was

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Notes and Queries

1. Does Christ teach that God'is the Father of all men? If so, where? Was not the Sermon on the Mount, in which the Fatherhood of God is implicitly taught, addressed primarily to the disciples alone? Does not Christ, in John viii., 41 ff., explicitly deny that God is the Father of some? Do you think the preaching of the universal Fatherhood of God is harmful on the ground that men, if taught that they already are sons of God, will think nothing further is necessary? 2. In Matt. xix., 17, where Christ asks, "Why callest thou me good?" does he deny his own sinlessness? 3. How does Kains's Introduction to Philosophy" rank, and by whom is it published? 4. I notice a recent correspondent asks for a text-book on systematic theology written from the standpoint of modern scholarship, and you reply, "There is none." I think "An Outline of Christian Theology," by Professor William N. Clarke, of Hamilton Theological Seminary, which can be obtained direct of Dr. Clarke, would be the thing your correspondent desires. R. A. A.

1. The parable of the Prodigal Son, referring as it does to "publicans and sinners," is conclusive proof that Jesus taught the universal Fatherhood of God. The text you refer to does not deny this, but shows only what men make themselves to be, as in Matt. xxiii., 15 (R. V. marg.). The preaching of this truth is no more harmful than preaching what Paul referred to as "the goodness of God [which] leadeth thee to repentance" (Rom. ii., 4). 2. No; see R. V. and margin. In reading the different version of this saying found in Mark x., 18, Luke xviii., 19, emphasize the" why." This will put you on the line of Jesus's suggestion to his inquirer, viz., that if the address "Good Master" conveyed more than a compliment, it practically acknowledged Jesus's authority to answer him by the Spirit of God, since he could be really good only as God was in him. 3. We do not know the book, and have endeavored to find it without success. 4. Another friend writes:" Dr. Clarke's 'Outline' is one of the best books I know on the subject. It is written from the standpoint of modern scholarship." The Baptist Publication Society, Fifth Avenue, New York, can supply it, at $2.50.

Please explain to me the essential difference, if any, between the Unitarians and the Liberal Orthodox. One sometimes hears it said by a Unitarian in speaking of a minister of the Liberal Orthodox variety," He is a good enough Unitarian for me," and yet he always denies that he is a Unitarian. A CONSTANT READER.

mons would qualify them after a three months' hearing. The essential, though not the only important, difference is in their estimate of Jesus. Uni

I have been intensely interested in two editorials in your issue of October 17-"A Theological Etching" and "The Invalid." I like the theology that they breathe. Will you be kind enough to state the

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There is a legion of books which are pervaded by such theological ideas, but for systematic theology of that kind see President Hyde's "Outlines of Social Theology" (The Macmillan Company), and Professor W. N. Clarke's "Outline of Christian Theology," a larger work, to be had of the Baptist Publication Society, New York.

Please tell me why the inhabitants of the District of Columbia are not allowed to vote for Presidential electors. I have tried to find out, but no one of whom I have inquired is able to enlighten me. cannot conceive of any reason for the prohibition. F. A. J.

For the same reason that the inhabitants of the Territories have likewise no vote. The Constitution, framed before the District or Territories were organized, provide: for the choice of electors in the States only, in such manner as each State may determine.

A. H.-Your letter has unfortunately been mislaid, so that its queries cannot be reproduced, though answered from memory. For the influence of the North African Church upon Christian theology, see J. B. Heard's "Alexandrian and Carthaginian Theology" (T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh). As to what can be said for the influence of Egypt, see J. F. Clarke's "Ten Great Religions." Oriental influences manifested themselves mainly in the Gnostic and Manichæan heresies, which the Church successfully withstood. The development of Mariolatry owes little to any specific outside source. The same may be said for Christian eschatology. As to BishBrooks's cure of his stammering, we can only repeat, from hearsay, that he overcame it by forcing himself into a habit of rapid speech.

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