the South American States, except for the protection of our own National interests in the remote contingency of their being in peril; to leave the Nicaraguan Canal to be built by private enterprise whenever there is a prospect of sufficient commercial profit to justify so great an undertaking; and, finally, we doubt the wisdom of any further enlargement of our navy, and we think that a permanent court of arbitration would be a far more effective and a far less expensive protection to our coast than any enlargement of harbor and seacoast defenses. Professor Phelps on International Professor E. J. Phelps, in an article in the July "Atlantic Monthly," states from the conservative point of view the objections to a permanent court for the settlement of all issues between nations-a supreme court of Christendom, analogous to the Supreme Court of the United States. His objections may be briefly stated to be (1) that "an arbitration cannot extend the rules of international law beyond what is already established, since those rules find their only sanction and authority in the general consent of nations;" (2) "nor can it be expected that any controversy whatever which involves national honor will be submitted to arbitration by any nation capable of self-vindication;" (3) "that the same considerations will likewise prevent the reference to such a tribunal of any dispute involving the integrity of the territory of a nation;" (4) and, finally, that "in no case whatever can that remedy (arbitration) be successfully proposed where popular feeling on the one side or the other has reached fighting heat and has passed beyond the control of representative government." Anything which Professor Phelps writes on this subject is entitled to be treated with great respect by all readers of intelligence on both sides the Atlantic. Nevertheless, we cannot but think that Professor Phelps's article shows more of the spirit of the lawyer than of the statesman; of the man who is governed by precedents than of the man who is guided by principles. There is danger, certainly, in the visionary who evolves an ideal out of his own imagination and then seeks to conform his practice or the practice of the community to this ideal. But there is also danger in the traditionalist who imagines that nothing can be which has not been, and measures all propositions for reform by historical precedents. The wise philosopher does neither; he considers the history of the past chiefly that he may learn from it what are the principles by which mankind should be guided and governed, and when he has elucidated these principles he applies them with unhesitating courage to new conditions. Thus, he perceives that a permanent tribunal has taken the place of wager of battle in the settlement of questions of personal and property rights; that public opinion has taken the place of the duel in the settlement of questions of personal honor; that the Supreme Court of the United States has taken the place of war in the settlement of controversies in this continent arising between over forty independent States; and, finally, that in the last century more than seventy-five different questions arising between different nations have been settled by appeal to courts of arbitration. From this history of the progress of the past he deduces the conclusion that the day is not far distant when all questions between nations will be settled by an appeal to reason, as now all questions between individuals are settled and all questions between the States of this Union. To answer Professor Phelps's objections as briefly as we stated them: (1) An international tribunal would be the method of determining what is the general consent of nations, as now the State tribunal determines what is the general consent of individuals. (2) No question of national honor can be stated which would not better be solved by the appeal to reason than by the appeal to force of arms. (3) The integrity of national territory, regarded, as it ought to be, as a sacred trust, would be better protected by such an appeal than by the arbitrament of arms, which settles nothing but the relative force of the combatants. (4) And, finally, the creation of a permanent court, to which as a matter of course all issues arising should be referred, would prevent popular feeling from passing beyond the control of representative government exactly as it has prevented popular feeling from passing beyond such control, except in one instance, during the hundred years of our national existence. It appears to us that Mr. Phelps has not acquainted himself even with the latest precedents. At least there is nothing in his article to indicate that he is aware of the fact that, within the last twelve months, France has, by the nearly unanimous action of its legislative chambers, proposed a permanent treaty of arbitration between that country and the United States; that negotiations are now pending between England and the United States for a permanent tribunal for the settlement of issues arising between those two nations; and that the International Parliamentary Conference, in which were members from fourteen different European Parliaments, has not only proposed to its respective Governments the organization of a permanent tribunal, but has formulated a plan for its organization. With these indications present before us, we ought not to go back one or two hundred years to determine what can be done in this close of the nineteenth century and this opening of the twentieth for the substitution of reason in the place of force as a means of settling questions of justice between the nations. Growth Through Experience There is a general agreement among men that experience is the most effective and successful of teachers; that for many men no other form of education is possible; and that those who enjoy the fullest educational opportunities miss the deeper processes of training if they fail of that wide contact with the happenings of life which we call experience. To touch the world at many points; to come into relations with many kinds of men; to think, to feel, and to act on a generous scale-these are prime opportunities for growth. For it is not only true, as Browning said so often and in so many kinds of speech, that a man's greatest good fortune is to have the opportunity of giving out freely and powerfully all the force that is in him, but it is also true that almost equal good fortune attends the man who has the opportunity of receiving truth and instruction through a wide and rich experience. But individual experience, however inclusive and deep, is necessarily limited, and the life of the greatest man would be confined within narrow boundaries if he were shut within the circle of his own individual contact with things and persons. If Shakespeare had written of those things only of which he had personal knowledge, of those experiences in which he had personally shared, his contribution to literature would be deeply interesting, but it would not possess that quality of universality which makes it the property of the race. In Shakespeare there was not only knowledge of man, but knowledge of men as well. His greatness rests not only on his own commanding personality, but on his magical power of laying other personalities under tribute for the enlargement of his view of things and the enrichment of his portraiture of humanity. A man learns much from his own contacts with his time and his race, but one of the most important gains he makes is the development of the faculty of appropriating the results of the contacts of other men with other times and races; and one of the finer qualities of rich experience is the quickening of the imagination to divine that which is hidden in the experience of other races and ages. The man of culture must not only live deeply and intelligently in his own experience, rationalizing and utilizing it as he passes through it; he must also break away from its limitations and escape its tendency to substitute a part of life, distinctly seen, for the whole of life vaguely discerned. The great writer, for instance, must first make his own nature rich in its development and powerful in harmony of aim and force, and he must also make this nature sensitive, sympathetic, and clairvoyant in its relations with the natures of other men. To become self-centered, and yet to be able to pass entirely out of one's self into the thoughts, emotions, impulses, and sufferings of others, involves a harmonizing of opposing tendencies which is difficult of attainment. It is precisely this poise which men of the highest productive power secure; for it is this nice adjustment of the individual discovery of truth to the general discovery of truth which gives a man of imaginative faculty range, power, and sanity of view. To see, feel, think, and act strongly and intelligently in our own individual world gives us firsthand relations to that world, and first-hand knowledge of it; to pass beyond the limits of this small sphere, which we touch with our own hands, into the larger spheres which other men touch, not only widens our knowledge but vastly increases our power. It is like exchanging the power of a small stream for the general power which plays through Nature. One of the measures of greatness is furnished by this ability to pass through individual into national or racial experience; for a man's spiritual dimensions, as revealed through any form of art, are determined by his power of discerning essential qualities and experiences in the greatest number of people. The four writers who hold the highest places in literature justify their claims by their universality; that is to say, by the range of their knowledge of life as that knowledge lies revealed in the experience of the race. It is the fortune of a very small group of men in any age to possess the power of divining, by the gift of genius, the world which lies, nebulous and shadowy, in the lives of men about them or in the lives of men of other times; in the nature of things, the clairvoyant vision of poets like Tennyson, Browning, and Hugo, of novelists like Thackeray, Balzac, and Tolstoï, is not at the command of all men; and yet all men may share in it and be enlarged by it. This is one of the most important services which literature renders to its lover; it makes him a companion of the most interesting personalities in their most significant moments; it enables him to break the bars of individual experience and escape into the wider and richer life of the race. Within the compass of a very small room, on a very few shelves, the real story of man in this world may be collected in the books of life in which it is written; and the solitary reader, whose personal contacts with men and events are few and lacking in distinction and interest, may enter, through his books, into the most thrilling life of the race in some of its most significant moments. No man can read "In Memoriam" or "The Ring and the Book" without passing beyond the boundaries of his individual experience into experiences which broaden and quicken his own spirit; and no one can become familiar with the novels of Tourguéneff or Tolstoï without touching life at new points and passing through emotions which would never have been stirred in him by the happenings 66 Such a story as of his own life. Anna Karénina leaves no reader of imagination or heart entirely unchanged; its elemental moral and artistic force strike into every receptive mind and leave there a knowledge of life not possessed before. The work of the Russian novelists has been, indeed, a new reading in the book of experience; it has made a notable addition to the sum total of humanity's knowledge of itself. In the pages of Gogol, Dostoievski, Tourguéneff, and Tolstoï the majority of readers have found a world absolutely new to them; and in reading those pages, so penetrated with the dramatic spirit, they have come into the possession of a knowledge of life not formal and didactic, but deep, vital, and racial in its range and significance. To possess the knowledge of an experience at once so remote and so rich in disclosure of character, so charged with tragic interest, is to push back the horizons of our own experience, to secure a real contribution to our own enrichment and development. Whoever carries that process far enough brings into his individual experience much of the richness and splendor of the experience of the race. The Outlook Vacation Fund In the issue of The Outlook of May 30 under this head was published a letter announcing that the writer had sent to The Outlook a handkerchief and a hammock, both the work of the women of Paraguay, the handkerchief to be sold for the benefit of this Fund, the hammock to be sent to Cherry Vale. The hammock is so beautiful that it did not seem to be designed for rough, out-of-door use, and subject to the ravages of the weather. The editors decided that both of these articles should be offered for sale in the columns of The Outlook for the benefit of the Vacation Fund. This decision was announced in the same issue in which the donor's letter was published; the sale to close June 20, the articles on that date to be assigned to the highest bidders. The bidding was spirited. Several offers of ten dollars each were made for the handkerchief. Offers of varying amounts were made for the hammock. One offer made stated that the money was to be kept whether it was the highest bid or not. The highest bid for the handkerchief was twenty dollars, made by a lady, a resident of New York City. The highest offer for the hammock was one hundred dollars, made by a gentleman, a resident of New York State. The owners of these two articles are to be envied for the pleasant thoughts that must always be associated with their 5 00 3 00 5 00 5 00 5 00 5 00 10 00 5 00 5.00 C. J. E., Middletown, N. Y.. W. W. L., Philadelphia, Pa. Mrs. J. E., Ridgefield, Conn. 3. 00 200 1 00 200 25 00 5 00 M The Republican National Convention From a Special Correspondent Y first impression of the St. Louis Convention was an unfavorable prepossession. By the time our train left Philadelphia nearly every car was filled with men wearing badges. A more frivolous body, to use no stronger word, it would be difficult to get together. If there was any thoughtfulness or seriousness of purpose among them, it was not apparent in looks, manners, conversation, or behavior. It was the kind of a crowd a horse-race would have attracted. Upon reaching St. Louis, however, and seeing the delegates separated from the claqueurs who came in the interests of candidates, I found that my prepossession had to be modified. The delegates, as a whole, were a strong body of men. They did not represent the more serious elements in the Republican party; but they were representative of its successful business men. Many of them, indeed, bore the familiar stamp of the professional politician indifferent to ideas and scornful of moral reforms. But the professional politician was less in evidence than I anticipated. Taken as a whole, the delegations were composed of what are called the " "solid men of the Nation. The real battle of the Convention, as every one knows, had been fought and finished before its opening session. The question of candidates had been determined by the instructions of the people. Had it not been so determined, Mr. McKinley would never have been nominated. One had only to visit a very few delegation headquarters on Monday, or mingle a very little among the crowds that thronged the lobbies of the principal hotels, before he found that the dominant spirit of the Convention was for neither the Ohio platform nor the Ohio candidate. The men who served as delegates, even from the States further West than Ohio, were, as a rule, out of sympathy with Mr. McKinley on the money question. Even in the California delegation, which was instructed to support the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, a majority of the delegates were personally in favor of the gold standard. The men who are sent as delegates to the National Conventions represent the classes and forces favorable to monometallism, and if those at St. Louis could have gone back and faced their constituency, they would not only have adopted a gold platform, but they would have nominated a candidate to match it. Mr. Reed would probably have been the favorite. There was far more enthusiasm for him than for any one else. Had he been nominated, it is possible that the Convention might have been described as an enthusiastic one. What made it worth while to attend the Convention was the opportunity it gave to learn at first hand about the political situation in every part of the country. Every delegation had its headquarters in one of the leading hotels, and it was easy to find some one at leisure and glad to talk with you, no matter what headquarters you visited. It is true that some of these talkative gentlemen were no more instructive than the ordinary newspaper editorial or campaign manager's bulletin. You had only to know how the talker stood to know how "everybody" stood. But the testimony of such incarnations of public sentiment was less confusing than would appear if it were reported. The whole manner of the men would indicate to you that they were simply claiming, and you had only to drop the conversation and talk with some one else. A surprising number of men would tell you that their opinions differed from those of most of the people in their States. Particularly was this true of those who came from rural districts in the South. Most of these men were themselves hostile to the silver movement-some of them regarding it as a Democratic device to account for the fearful depression of trade under the Democratic Administration.. This depression these men thought was due to the Democratic tariff, and they believe that with the restoration of protection high prices would return for farmers as well as manufacturers, and prosperity would again be universal. But while these were their views, they would tell you with regret that the farmers in their States were talking nothing but free silver, and that the silver movement in the rural districts knew no lines either of party or color. The great triumph of the men who managed the goldstandard movement in the Convention was the change in sentiment among the Southern delegates before a vote was reached. This change was especially marked among the negroes. In part it was due to the able and honorable work done by Dr. Courtney, a member of the Massachusetts delegation. Dr. Courtney took in hand the task of intellectually persuading the negro delegates to accept gold. On Monday he assembled them in the Massachusetts headquarters, and pleaded with them, for the credit of their race, to support the standard demanded by the culture of the party. There was, however, another delegate at work among the negroes whose arguments were believed to have been of another kind. This was William Pitt Kellogg, the carpetbag Governor of Louisiana who later became distinguished as the leader of the worst elements among the negroes in the lottery campaign four years ago, and in the New Orleans campaign a few weeks ago. Between Dr. Courtney's public appeals to the negroes and Mr. Kellogg's private appeals, all but six of them were persuaded to indorse the gold standard. Before Monday was over the silver men knew precisely how the battle had gone, and what would be their own course of action. On Monday evening one of their leaders, who was a personal friend, outlined to me the programme which afterwards was carried out. He and his associates were more delighted with the prospect of an explicit gold-standard plank than Senator Lodge and Mr. Platt themselves. They had felt that they could not s port the party if it really stood for the continuance of the gold standard, and they were profoundly grateful that the real attitude of the party was to be expressed in a way that could not be misunderstood by any of their constituents. This was particularly the sentiment of the younger men, and my friend told me that in his State the silver movement was pre-eminently a young men's movement. sup The first day's proceedings of the Convention had but one distinguishing characteristic, and that has already been dwelt upon by every independent paper in the country. It was the utter absence of enthusiasm. The speech made by temporary Chairman Fairbanks was not in any way a poor speech, and it was altogether in accord with the platform adopted by the Convention. But it fell perfectly flat. Its declarations for "sound money " and against the free coinage of silver elicited some applause, but its declarations for protection scarcely any at all. The day following, permanent Chairman Thurston's speech was much better received. Each sentence declaring the attitude of the party upon various public measures was received with cheers, and they had a genuine ring. The remainder of the second day's proceedings, however, were characterized by ⚫ a general lifelessness. They were, indeed, of a routine nature, and no Convention could have been deeply stirred by them. The most important business transacted was the disposition of the report of the Committee on Credentials in favor of seating the contesting or McKinley delegation from the State of Delaware, instead of the regular or Quay delegation led by Mr. Addicks. Upon this there were spirited speeches, Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, pleading the case of the Delaware boss whose name has become synonymous with the purchasing of votes. The vote upon this question furnished the first real test of the strength of the McKinley following. It stood 545% to 359% in favor of sustaining the Committee's report and seating the McKinley delegation. As some professed supporters of Mr. McKinley voted in favor of the Addicks delegation, the assurance of Mr. McKinley's nomination was made doubly sure. On the afternoon of the second day the Committee on Resolutions met, and the break in the party which the events of Monday foreshadowed was accomplished. In the Committee on Resolutions the silver men could make their strongest showing, for each State and Territory, however small its population, had a representative. North Carolina alone among the Southern States supported the free-coinage contingent, but this support gave the silver men eleven votes upon the Committee. Senator Teller pleaded with all his strength and all his heart for the adoption of a bimetallic plank. The speech he made in this Committee was really the farewell of the silver men to the Republican party. Senator Teller was himself deeply affected. In his youth, he said, he had left the Democratic party on the slavery issue before the Republican party was organized. This change he had made easily, for he was then young and his political life was before him. It was very different for him now to leave the party to which he had given the strength of his life, and from which he has received his highest honors. There were tears in a good many eyes, and one Western Senator actually cried over the impending separation. During the evening I heard Congressman Hartman, of Montana, describe the scene. "It was," he said, "as if they were burying friends." But the separation was inevitable. The silver men were not ready to compromise further than to accept the free coinage of the American product, or general free coinage with a tariff on imported silver equal to the difference between the price of foreign bullion and that of American coin. Each of the compromise propositions was negatived by the same vote as the free-coinage proposition pure and simple, and when the silver men left the meeting of the Committee they left it realizing that they were no longer members of the Republican party. His In the evening I met several of their leaders. I had been impressed with the marvelous hold Senator Teller had upon his younger colleagues, and when I met him I found that this was due to the personality of the man more than to his ability or his exceptional scholarship. face was plain, but his bearing was characterized by dignity and sincerity. Later in the evening, by mere accident, I rode with him to the suburbs. There was nothing aggressive about his attitude. He was perfectly clear about the course to pursue, but had evidently entered upon it in no light mood. He was confident of the triumph of his cause, but he remarked, rather sadly, that he did not know that he should live to see it. Congressman Towne, of Minnesota, the ablest free-coinage Republican of the Northwest, was confident that his State would support the free-coinage cause. The currency question so completely overshadowed every other in the campaign that he had little doubt of the fusion of all the free-coinage elements. Mr. Bryan, of Nebraska, who holds in the Democratic ranks the same position as Mr. Towne in the Republican, urged as strongly as Mr. Towne that fusion must and could be effected. On the last day of the Convention the programme agreed upon was carried out. Senator Foraker presented the majority report of the Committee on Resolutions; Senator Teller presented the minority report, favoring the free coinage of silver. After reading the plank offered by the minority, he urged its adoption in a speech stating at length the attitude of himself and his colleagues. This speech was vigorously applauded by the silver men on the floor and in the galleries, but in no way equaled his appeal to the Committee on Resolutions the day before. The Convention heard him through, but not without some manifestations of impatience. Then followed the vote upon the free-coinage resolution. It was tabled by a vote of 8181⁄2 to 1052. In most States in which the vote was divided each delegate was required to go on record. But this declaration of faith did not satisfy the free-coinage men. Senator Dubois, of Idaho, requested that the goldstandard plank be separated from the remainder of the platform, and each delegation vote upon it. There were many Republicans, he said, who opposed the gold standard though they did not accept the free coinage of silver, and he wished the delegates to place themselves on record in this matter. Colorado and Montana seconded the request for a division of the platform, and the roll-call was ordered on the anti-silver plank. This was indorsed by a vote of 8122 to 1051⁄2. Thereupon Senator Teller asked the privilege of the floor for Senator Cannon, of Utah, who read the protest of the more radical silver men against the change in the party's creed, and the announcement that they could no longer consider themselves members of the Republican party. When Senator Cannon reached the concluding paragraph, declaring that the Republican party, "once the redeemer of the people," was now about to become their oppressor," he was stopped by a sweeping storm of hisses and cries of "traitor." The Convention would hardly have allowed him to read the names of the signers of the protest had it not been for Chairman Thurston's dignified handling of the situation. With difficulty restoring quiet enough to make himself heard, he called out in a clear voice, "The Chair suggests to the Convention that the Republican party, in convention assembled, need not fear any declaration." For the first time since the Convention opened, the hall rang with cheer after cheer given because the feeling compelled it. Senator Cannon was at last permitted to read the names of the signers. Thereupon he and Senator Teller shook hands with the officers of the Convention and left the hall, followed by their supporters, a few cheers, and a volley of howls of derision. The What happened after this, except the balloting, will be of no interest a year hence, or even a few weeks hence. Senator Lodge's speech nominating Speaker Reed fell below the expected level. So, too, did that of Mr. Depew nominating Governor Morton, though this was better received. No one of the speeches stirred the Convention. outcome was already determined, and oratory full of purpose and fire was perhaps impossible. At all events, no one of the orators reached a high level. The twenty-five minutes' applause at Mr. McKinley's name, and the fifteen minutes' applause which greeted that of Senator Quay, were mere demonstrations of enthusiasm, not expressions thereof. When the candidates for Vice-President were named, the enthusiasm manifested was for Henry Clay Evans, of Tennessee, defrauded last year of the Governorship of that State. Nevertheless, Mr. Hobart, of New Jersey, with the solid support of the New York and Pennsylvania delegation, had an easy victory. The bolt of the silver delegates at St. Louis was not the result of the explicit "gold" plank adopted in the platform. The matter had been talked over for months, and the silver-mining States had determined not to accept another compromise. The explicitness of the anti-silver plank simply added Senator Pettigrew, of South Dakota, to the number of those who walked out of the Convention, and Senator Hansborough, of North Dakota, to the number of those who will support the new silver party. The nomination of Senator Teller by the seceding delegates had also been long under advisement. His candidacy had been assured the support of several of the most prominent Populists and a large number of prominent Southern Democrats. To the latter Senator Teller's opposition to the " Force Bill" and his support of the income tax seemed ample compensation for his protectionism. When, therefore, the seceding silver delegates met and nominated him, they knew that his name would receive at least respectful consideration at Chicago and enthusiastic advocacy at the later conventions at St. Louis. The address issued by the silver delegates nominating Senator Teller set forth briefly that allegiance to personal conviction is a higher duty than allegiance to party; that the question of the maintenance of the single gold standard or "the restoration of bimetallism" is the supreme issue of the campaign; that those who believe in the free coinage of both metals must act together to obtain success; and that the public and private life of Senator Teller fit him for the leadership of the allied forces. The document issued by the Populist leaders indorsing the position of the silver Republicans, and urging the acceptance of Senator Teller's candidacy by the Populist party, was inferior in style and lacked the signatures of many of the best-known Populists. Nevertheless, it was signed by the Chairman of the Populist National Committee and several other men prominent in the party organization. St. Louis, Mo. N the life of Cardinal Manning, which has lately attracted so much attention in England, it is narrated that, while still a dignitary of the Church of England, Manning obtained an interview with the late Pope. As an English ecclesiastic he was much pained to find that the head of the Holy Roman Church was singularly ignorant of some of the most salient features of the Anglican Communion. But the Pope was interested to know any particulars that he could give of a woman who had done much for prison reform and for the uplift of fallen humanity, and questioned him closely on Mrs. Elizabeth Fry, her work, and the sect to which she belonged (of which he seemed to know nothing), and eagerly asked every possible detail. The reforms which called out the consecrated energy of Mrs. Fry have to a large extent ceased to be matters of vital and immediate interest. Our prisons are no longer places where men and women are herded together like human cattle; and the best methods for the management of penal settlements occupy the thoughts of all who are interested in sociology. But the fact that the necessity for her work has in a measure passed away has in no way minimized the greatness of the woman who brought about such amelioration. She stands as the ideal prisoners' friend, in whose footsteps each one has endeavored to tread who has sought in any way to assist the friendless and forlorn. This article forms one in the series "Founders of Great Movements." A previous article in this series was that on General William Booth, by Commander Railton, in The Outlook for February 22. Other articles will be on Dwight L. Moody, by Prebendary Webb-Peploe; on Bishop Vincent, by President W. R. Harper; and on Francis E. Clark, by John W. Baer. In like manner I believe that long after the Temperance Reform has become a matter of past history, long after the "Woman Question" has brought about the equality of men and women, political, social, and financial, the name of Frances Willard will be remembered, not only as one who led a great movement, but as one who gave her life, her talent, her enthusiasm, to make the world wider for women and better for humanity. Such a record will be associated with no particular form of philanthropy, but will stand among the landmarks of the ages that point the progress of the world along the upward way. Remarkable as a speaker, excellent as a writer, with a genius for organization, perhaps Miss Willard's rarest gift is the power of inspiring others with a belief in what they can accomplish. Many a speaker has attained oratorical fame and many a philanthropist has accomplished wonderful ends by devotion and hard work, but to few has it been given so to arouse women on every hand that on all sides captains have been called, companies have been enlisted, armies organized, and the most. timid, undeveloped, and apparently commonplace individuals have been transformed, under the magic power of her AN EARLIER PORTRAIT |