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IMPORTANT ILLUSTRATED ARTICLES
Magazine Numbers, December, 1895—November, 1896
KATE CARNEGIE. By IAN MACLAREN. Complete in the Twelve Magazine Numbers
By Henry van Dyke, A. W. Greely, Poultney Bige-
T. W. Knox, and C. L. Norton
Bicycling for Women...
By the Rev. J. M. Whiton, Ph.D.
By a Member of Commander Booth's Staff
By Elbert Francis Baldwin
By Elbert F. Baldwin
By Margaret E. Sangster and Caroline A. Creevey
By W. F. Dix
By Rufus R. Wilson
By Charles A. Bennett
761 (April)- .
By the Very Rev. F. W. Farrar, D.D.
1.–Atlanta and Macon 151 (January)
By Washington Gladden
By Henry van Dyke, D.D.
By Emily Dickinson
From Atlanta to the Sea.
By W. J. Abbot
EDITORIAL STAFF OF THE OUTLOOK
Rev. LYMAN ABBOTT, D.D., Editor-in-Chief
ROBERT D. TOWNSEND, Managing Editor
REV. AMORY H. BRADFORD, D.D.
A Family Paper Saturday, 25 January, 1896
To the friends and country we love :
Farewell ! We know we have your prayers, and
you have our efforts for the best that in us lies.
American National Red Cross.
Clara Barton, President. Washington, D. C.
The telegram printed above was received by The Outlook on Tuesday, as Miss Barton was on the very eve of sailing from New York on her way to Constantinople. The sympathy and hopes of the American people go with her on her errand of mercy.
WO sets of resolutions have been introduced
into the United States Senate—one by Senator Sewell, of New Jersey, affirming that the Presi. dent's message extends the Monroe Doctrine beyond its proper scope, and that this Doc
trine does not pledge us to aid and protect Southern Republics; the other by Senator Davis, of Minnesota, reaffirming the Monroe Doctrine, and characterizing any attempt by any European power to take or acquire any new territory on the American continents, or any islands adjacent thereto, any right of sovereignty or dominion in the same, in any case or instance as to which the United States shall deem such attempt to be dangerous to its peace or safety, by or through force, purchase, cession, occupation, pledge, colonization, protectorate, or by control of the easement in canal or any other means of transit across the American isthmus, whether on unfounded pretension of right in cases of alleged boundary disputes, or under other unfounded pretensions, as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States, and as an interposition which it would be impossible in any form for the United States to regard with indifference." (Italics ours.) The American public will not regard either set of resolutions quite so seriously as they will be regarded abroad. The only way in which our Senators can get an opportunity to make speeches to their constituencies on current topics is by introducing such resolutions. For a Senator can no more speak without a resolution than a minister can preach without a text. The editor has in this respect an advantage over both. The fact is that the meaning of the Monroe Doctrine is not very important. We are quite as competent to define American doctrine for 1896 as Monroe was for 1823. Both Senator Sewell's and Senator Davis's. resolutions might be true. There is no good reason why we should assume a protectorate over all South America ; there is very good reason why we should view with jealousy any attempt to get, by any means, control of possessions on this hemisphere which might, in the event of war, become a menace to us. But this is not an opportune time to make this declaration. Certainly the disputed territory in Venezuela can by no possibility ever become such a menace.
One of the most interesting features of the recent tension of feeling between this country and England has been the very frank talk in which the best English newspapers have indulged with regard to English failings. The superiority in tone, dignity, and sense of responsibility of the average English newspaper over the average American newspaper has never been more signally illustrated; for the English press, as a rule, has discussed the recent events which have so overshadowed England with possibilities of peril with sobriety, with an evident desire to state the facts, with clear recognition of English responsibilities, and with a sincere desire to get at the causes of dissatisfaction with English action. Our press, on the other hand, has, as a rule, abounded with denunciation and recrimination. The frank discussion of the question why Englishmen are disliked which has been going on in the English press shows a general consensus of opinion on two points. First, that English commercial ability and prosperity have