and read to the House of Commons by Mr. Asquith has now reached this country, and is as follows:

1. The Home Rule Act is to be brought into operation as soon as possible after Parliamentary sanction has been given to the exclusion from its operation of the six counties of Antrim, Armagh, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry, and Tyrone, and the three Parliamentary boroughs of Belfast, Londonderry, and Newry.

2. The main changes contemplated in the existing Act, apart from those which are consequential on the exclusion of the six counties, are two. The Irish House of Commons is to consist of the persons who are, for the time being, members returned by the same constituencies in Ireland to serve in the Imperial Parliament. The Appeal Court in Dublin is to consist of judges appointed by the Imperial Executive.

3. Words will be proposed to make it abundantly clear that the Irish executive cannot encroach in any way on the undivided power and responsibility of the Imperial authority in all that pertains to the successful prosecution of the war, especially with reference to the Defense of the Realm Act and other emergency legislation.

4. The bill in which these proposals will be embodied will remain in force during the war and for twelve months thereafter. If Parliament has not by that time made further and permanent provision for the government of Ireland, the period is to be extended by Order in Council.

MR. LLOYD GEORGE AND THE
IRISH SITUATION

As will be noted, while the Irish House of Commons is mentioned, nothing is said about the Irish Senate, which was to consist of forty members, these to be nominated at first by the Lord Lieutenant, but afterwards elected by proportional representation; thus the Province of Ulster would have fourteen Senators, Leinster eleven, Munster nine, and Connaught six.

After Mr. Redmond had agreed to Mr. Lloyd George's proposals, it was asserted in the House of Lords that the Unionist members of the Coalition Cabinet would assent only with the understanding that the word permanent" was to precede the word " clusion "in the first paragraph; and that the words "until dissolution were to succeed the word "Parliament" in the second paragraph.

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Mr. Lloyd George calls the first of these alterations less a matter of substance than of words; he reminds the Nationalists that

the Ulster counties could not be coerced into an Irish Parliament, but that when they were willing to come in no one should seek to keep them out; that their exclusion for the present, would not have affected the full powers given to the Nationalist part of Ireland under the Home Rule Act; and the question of their coming in voluntarily afterwards I could have been decided when it had been seen how Home Rule was working out. The Home Rule Parliament would work well, prophesied Mr. Lloyd George, the apprehensions of Ulster would be removed, and the Ulster counties would come in of their own free will.

Concerning the second point, Mr. Lloyd George admitted that it was not unnatural for the Unionists to protest against the continuance of Irish over-representation in the House of Commons. (Ireland has a member

to less than 7,000 voters, while in England there is a member to an average of 12,000.) He declared that it would not have been fair to retain such a representation after the larger part of Ireland had a Parliament of its own. It was his understanding, however, that when Irish affairs were to be discussed in the London Parliament, the full Irish representation should be called to participate just as before the existence of the Irish Parliament. Mr. Lloyd George then summed up the whole matter:

In making alterations from the original draft of the scheme of settlement it cannot be said that the Government has done anything fundamentally unjust to Ireland. It must be remembered that the Unionist leaders who had fought for a lifetime against Home Rule have for the first time in history accepted Home Rule for five-sixths of Ireland. . . . It is a great pity that the scheme was not accepted, for then the Irish Parliament would have been an accomplished fact. The Irish people would have obtained what they have struggled and suffered for during so many generations. An actual Home Rule Parliament would be in being for fivesixths of Ireland, and once that were established, nothing in the world would have destroyed it again. . . . I think the Nationalist leaders would have been well advised to have taken the offer made to them even with the alterations which the Unionist half of the Cabinet demanded. Nothing altered the fundamental fact that all parties in the nation, for the first time in history, were offering Home Rule to Nationalist Ireland. . . . We achieved at least one thing that has never hitherto been accomplished: we brought the representatives of the Irish Nationalists and the Ulster Unionists to the point of

taking hands instead of shaking fists at each other.

This was indeed a historic achievement. Mr. Lloyd George may well be proud of it..

THE STATUS OF THE GUARD

Some time ago The Outlook published an editorial criticising the system under which our National Guard was organized and giving some account of the historical difficulties which had arisen whenever the State troops had been called into the National service. Some of our correspondents at that time criticised us for delving into the past to find reasons for objecting to our present system of State troops. We were told, in fact, that under the present system there was no danger that our Government would find itself with a lawsuit on its hands instead of an army if the need of calling out State troops should arise.

So far as we know, no lawsuit has been connected with the present mobilization of the Guard, but the absurdity of having to transfer soldiers from one authority to another in the face of a threatened emergency is brought out in a recent opinion of the Judge Advocate-General, Enoch H. Crowder, upon the present status of the National Guard. This opinion was given to the Secretary of War in answering questions raised by a letter from a Member of Congress. This Congressman wished to know whether the National Guard as at present mustered in by officers of the regular army under the oath required by the National Defense Act (the Hay Bill) was still within the jurisdiction of the several States, subject to orders from their Governors, or whether it was now a part of the regular army of the United States, and liable to the full term of service of the regular army. This Congressman also wished to know if the National Guard at present along the Mexican border was available for service beyond the borders of the United States-the old question which has vexed and troubled the country from the time of the War of 1812 to the present day. To these questions the Judge AdvocateGeneral answers, in effect, that there are now in the service of the United States under the call of June 18, 1916, two classes of militia: one, the militia organized under the Dick Bill, and the other, the National Guard as organized under the recent National Defense Act. The status of the first class is that of militia called into the service of the United States for one of the purposes specified in the

Constitution-that is, to protect the United States from invasion. They are not a part of the regular army of the United States, nor are they liable to the regular army term of service, but while in the service of the Government they are entitled to the same allowances and benefits as the regular troops, and are likewise subject to the laws and regulations governing the regular army so far as applicable to their temporary status. They

are not while in such service under the jurisdiction of the State, nor are they subject to the orders of their Governors, whose authority over them for the time being is suspended, except only with respect to the appointment of certain officers.

The second class of troops organized under the National Defense Act is in every respect subject to the same regulations and laws as the organized militia called out under the Dick Act. Further than this, at the President's discretion, they can be drafted as a National force to supplement the regular army, and are available for any service for which the regular army may be used. If the President should so draft it, the draft could read: "For the period of emergency, not exceeding three years, unless sooner discharged."

CAN THE GUARDSMEN VOTE?

While the status of the men in the Guard as soldiers is under consideration, it is also interesting to discover their status as civilians. Their civilian status will be, of course, most important to them at the time of the election in November. New York State, with its seventeen thousand soldiers upon the Mexican border, is perhaps most vitally concerned in this important question, and on this point the Attorney-General of the State, Mr. Woodbury, has just given his opinion. In the State Constitution there is a provision which reads: "Provided that in time of war no elector in the actual military service of the United States, in the army or navy thereof, shall be deprived of his vote by reason of his absence from such election district."

In Mr. Woodbury's opinion, the present situation is covered by this provision. Mr. Woodbury compares the present situation existing between the United States and Mexico to the condition of "imperfect war recognized and defined by several Federal Court decisions. In one of these decisions the Court held that, although Congress had not made a formal declaration of war against

certain Indian tribes, nevertheless the fact that the Indians were engaged in acts of general hostilities to settlers, and that the Government had deemed it necessary to despatch the military forces for purposes of subjection, was sufficient to constitute a state of war. The Attorney-General's opinion is, moreover, based upon the fundamental principle that the right of the elector to exercise his privilege of voting is one of the highest rights of citizenship, and must be preserved unless unsurmountable obstacles are found to stand in the way.

THE SPIRIT OF THE GUARDSMAN

Last week we printed a letter from an enlisted member of a New York National Guard regiment. The simple facts which that letter related showed the inefficiency of our present State militia system. The writer of that letter expressed the opinion that when the National Guard returns "there won't be any Seventh, Twelfth, and Seventy-first left;" that every one was going "to get out as soon as possible." The attempt to Federalize the militia has resulted, as it was bound to result, in failure; and the members of the National Guard know it.

It is the system that is wrong, however, not the men. The spirit of the National Guardsman in the face of a bad system and a blundering policy is illustrated by the following extracts from a letter. The writer of the following letter, like the writer of the letter we published last week, is a member of a New York regiment of the National Guard which is stationed on the Mexican border:

Recently there has been a good deal of grumbling among the men, several of whom have gone home because their enlistments have expired. There is a feeling down here that the Administration is using us as a political expedient in order to secure a trained body of men in case of an actual crisis. Of course there are a number here who are really needed at home or else are physically weak. L and I don t come under either one of these categories, so long as our pay continues, but even if we did I shouldn't feel much different than I do now. Surely it is a great asset for our country to have a trained body of men, if not to perfection, at least having a general idea of military affairs. This is the fundamental truth to consider, not what the motives or personal profits of any one man are, but the good of the whole U. S. A. I can't see the situation in any other way. I can't help but feel that this is an era of sacrifice; that it is vitally necessary that some of us

obtain this training, and that the National Guard appear to be the ones who can most easily and quickly acquire this knowledge. I also believe that we should stay here until this situation is absolutely straightened out, until we feel positive that there will be no more border outrages committed by Mexicans, nor any killings made by Texans. In other words, I believe our duty is to intervene, conquer, and then police Mexico until matters are properly adjusted, but I feel very sure that nothing of this kind will happen. We'll probably come back without a shot fired, with little accomplished-all sorts of assurances from Carranza, who immediately after our backs are turned will continue more murder. But enough. your duty and leave consequences to God," as Stonewall Jackson used to say. Just now the band is playing some good old ragtime song, a bunch of fellows are singing down the street, and a million stars are twinkling overhead. . . .

"Do

The cake and cookies you sent were delicious and lasted about half an hour, and others are receiving supplies from home each day. Then the veterans of Company X are most generous, not to mention the regular food we get, which is very good. As a matter of fact, you can eat most anything with relish, sleep anywhere with comfort, and not object to the heat in the least. To my mind, this life is a cinch compared to New York routine, which calls for twice as much energy and endurance. So please don't expend too much sympathy on your "border boys," and above all discount ninety-five per cent of what you read in the newspapers.

I surely do miss my books, for it is my first experience ever since I can remember of allowing two weeks to elapse without reading a novel or essay. But this is no place for revery, theorizing, or day-dreaming. We must train our minds on a thousand and one practical details, more or less difficult for me.

The Nation that has such men serving it in the ranks of its citizen soldiery ought to give them a National military organization, under exclusive control of the National Government, and provide for them as it is not providing now.

CONGRESS

The two most important appropriation bills of the year, probably-those providing funds for the use of the army and navy-have finally passed the Senate and have gone to a conference between the two houses. These were the largest appropriation bills for defense purposes ever passed by Congress in time of peace. The amount carried by the Army Bill is over $313,000,000, and that by the Naval Bill over $315,000,000. The question with regard to both bills is whether the men

whom the House has sent as conferees will be able to reduce the amounts voted so as to cripple our National service.

Two important amendments to the Constitution have been introduced into Congress. The first, introduced by Representative James, proposes to amend the Constitution relative to the executive veto of bills passed by Congress by providing that "the President shall have power to disapprove of any item or items of any bills making appropriations of money embracing distinct items; and the part or parts approved shall be the law; and the item or items disapproved shall be void unless repassed according to the rules and limitations prescribed for the passage of other bills over the executive veto." This resolution is, of course, directed against the infamous system of " riders," or irrelevant propositions, tacked on to money bills-propositions which under other circumstances would have small chance of success-and also against items which are unjustifiable but which now cannot be eliminated by the Executive without the sacrifice of all the other and necessary appropriations.

The second resolution was proposed by Senator Thomas, of Colorado. He would amend the Constitution so as to make Federal judges ineligible for any elective office during their incumbency of the judiciary and for three years after their retirement from the bench. Of course this resolution from a Democratic Senator was aimed at the Republican candidate for the Presidency, exJustice Hughes. The only effect of the resolution so far has been petty political talk. It was brought to an end by one of Senator Thomas's political brethren, Senator Stone, who justly scolded the Senators for consuming time in political speeches when the state of legislative business demanded action.

THE RIVERS AND HARBORS BILL

The President has signed the Rivers and Harbors Bill. This, however agreeable to the interests about to be benefited by the appropriations of this forty-two million dollar bill, was, we believe, to the great majority of intelligent men in the country a disheartenment. They had hoped that Mr. Wilson would remember the plank in the platform on which he was elected in 1912: "We demand a return to that simplicity and economy which befit a democratic government." If Mr. Wilson had vetoed the River and Harbor abomination, he would, we believe, have gained in the long

run.

The bill, now law, is in some respects as outrageous as any ever passed by Congressional "pork-hunters." It may be remembered that two years ago a somewhat similar bill was held up single-handed by ex-Senator Burton, of Ohio, in a remarkable filibuster; all the items were stricken from the bill and a substitute measure adopted, voting funds to be expended only on continuing projects by the Secretary of War. Senator Kenyon, of Iowa, proposed this plan with regard to the bill of 1916; but he was outvoted.

The measure has some good features, of course; but the greater part of the appropriation is to be spent on projects of purely local interest, from which no permanent National benefit will result. According to Senator Kenyon, half the appropriation is "to be poured into waterless streams and dry rivers." This doubtless is exaggeration; but it is true that a very large number of items are more than doubtful, revealing our unwise and unscientific method of providing for rivers and harbors, and our negligence in not creating a waterways commission to study and supervise the whole question of the use of water throughout our country.

THE FOREST FIRES IN CANADA

During the last week in July a disastrous forest fire swept through part of northern Ontario, obliterating a score of small settlements. It has been officially announced by the Canadian Government that at least one hundred and eighty-four people lost their lives during the progress of the fire, and newspaper reports suggest that the loss may reach five hundred when news from the smaller settlements is received. A heavy rainstorm on July 31 was all that saved a very much larger part of this Canadian province from ravage by fire. As it is, hundreds of men and women have been left homeless and the Dominion Government has been forced to take extraordinary measures to provide for the refugees.

The town of Matheson, Ontario, it is reported, suffered most in a material way, and in this town thirty-five people perished in the flames and smoke. The greatest loss of life occurred at Nushka and Monteith, where ninety-eight people were burned to death.

We have seen no report as to how this disastrous fire was started, but the history of other forest fires leads one to surmise that the disaster may have been caused by the care