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Of Unusual Interest

Industrial and Commercial
South America

By ANNIE S. PECK
Author of "The South American Tour "

A mine of information as to the several
countries of South America - Colombia,
Guiana, Peru, Chile, Venezuela, Brazil, the
Argentine, etc. It covers the chief cities and
ports, their systems of transportation, their
physical characteristics and resources;
their possibilities for agriculture, mining,
stock raising, forestry, etc.

The book is clear, definite and up-to-date.

It should be in the hands of every one

interested in South America whether as

manufacturer, merchant, traveler, teacher,

student, or general reader desiring informa

tion as to our southern neighbor.

Just ready. $5.00

Japan's Pacific Policy

Especially in Relation to

China, the Far East, and

the Washington Conference

By K. K. KAWAKAMI

Mr. Kawakami is well known by his

articles in The Atlantic Monthly and other

periodicals, and his books on various

phases of Japanese life and thought. He

is a proved friend to this country, eminently

capable of interpreting Japan and the

modern world to each other. Ready in May.

Ten Years at the Court of

St. James, 1895-1905

By BARON VON ECKARDSTEIN

Trans. by Professor George Young

Before the war Baron von Eckardstein

was a strikingly popular figure in London

society, with which this book deals freely

and frankly. Under its good stories about

celebrities of various kinds, there is an

undercurrent of significant comment on

international affairs of the highest impor-

tance. No book of recent years combines

so much that is entertaining with so much

that is historically and politically impor-

Illustrated. Just ready.

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CONTRIBUTORS'

GALLERY

ILHJALMUR STEFANSSON was born in A novel of compelling interest

Manitoba in 1879 and was educated

at the State Universities of North Dakota and Iowa and at Harvard University. During his life he has been almost everything from cowboy to reporter on the Boston "Evening Transcript" and associate instructor in anthropology at Harvard. Among his numerous Arctic expeditions are a private expedition to Iceland in 1904; an archæological expedition to Iceland for Harvard University in 1905; and an Arctic expedition under the auspices of the American Museum of Natural History and the Geographic Survey of Canada in 1908, during which he made valuable collections and investigations and reported the so-called blond Eskimo. He was the Commander of the Canadian Arctic Expedition which sailed from Victoria, British Columbia, in 1913 for four years' exploration north of Canada and Alaska.

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JOHN

OHN HALL WHEELOCK has been with Charles Scribner's Sons since 1911. He is the author of several volumes of poetry, and also of "Theodore Roosevelt: A Bibliography." Mr. Wheelock's new book of poems, "The Black Panther,” is announced for publication some time during the fall.

RANDER MATTHEWS's article in the

Book Table on Mo art is from an

address which this distinguished critic delivered before the American Academy of Arts and Letters on the occasion of its recent Molière celebration. Two members of the French Academy journeyed to America to take part in this notable international event.

ILLIS FLETCHER JOHNSON began his

W journalistic career in 1880 on the

editorial staff of the New York "Tribune," with which he has been associated

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A MAN OF PURPOSE

By Donald Richberg

12mo. 336 pages. Net $1.75

The amazing life-story of a man who dared. Reads like a document from life. and grips the reader from the opening page. The unforgettable portrait of a human soul.

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THOMAS Y. CROWELL COMPANY

as, successively, day editor, editorial The Pratt Teachers Agency

writer, and literary editor. He has been lecturer at a number of schools and colleges and a member of the Council at

70 Fifth Avenue, New York Recommends teachers to colleges, public and private schools. Advises parents about schools. Wm. O. Pratt, Mgr.

New York University. He is the editor "PEANUTS" "SMITHFIELD HAMS"

of "History of New York University," published in 1903, and the author of "A Century of Expansion," "America and the Great War for Humanity and Freedom," and "Political and Governmental History of the State of New York." At present Mr. Johnson is an editor of the "North American Review."

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Smithfield Hams, 60c per pound. Parcel Post prepaid WATKINS BROTHERS, FRANKLIN, VA.

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NORTH CAROLINA

BINGHAM SCHOOL MEBANE, N.C.

ESTABLISHED 1793

AN IDEAL BOYS' SCHOOL IN PIEDMONT NORTH CAROLINA Here, at Bingham, the spirit of old-time Southern hospitality makes each boy feel genuinely welcome. High moral tone. Military organization, begun in 1861. Lovely lawns. Gymnasium. Athletic park. Honor System. Celebrated climate. Outdoor classes. Limited numbers. Sports in variety. 340 acres. Summer camp. A modern school with an ancient 1 ame, fame and history. Send for catalogue.

Col. PRESTON LEWIS GRAY, President, Box 3, Mebane, N. C.

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Majestic (56,000 tons)

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This Spring showing of Table Linens is characterized by a strict exclusiveness of design and a high standard of excellence at prices that are surprisingly and pleasantly economical.

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CRISES AT GENOA

T

The Outlook

HERE are conferences and conferences. To call such a gathering as that at Genoa by the same name

as that applied to the meeting of nations last winter at Washington is an indication of the poverty of language. No two gatherings could be more unlike.

At Washington there were nations which, however much their policies and purposes might differ, were willing to take one another's word as equivalent to a bond. Even the most disturbing incidents of the Washington Conference, such as some of the encounters between the Japanese and the Chinese and between the British and the French, served only to emphasize the fact that when any nation there finally pledged its word to a course of action there was no suspicion on the part of the representative of any other nation that that word would be broken. At Genoa, on the other hand, there are nations whose word is worth little or nothing in the eyes of other nations present. France, for instance, may cordially dislike England's purposes, but it does not distrust England's word. On the other hand, France and other countries, with very good reason, not only dislike Germany's purposes but also distrust Germany's word, and have no faith whatever in the words of Russia's present rulers.

Under these conditions it is not strange that the Genoa Conference has consisted of a series of crises. In diplomatic language, there has been incident after incident. One incident arises as soon as another is closed. To recount these daily occurrences of dangerous import would be wearisome. It would be useless to do so without at length explaining the moves in the game which these thirty-odd nations are playing.

In general, the nations gathered at Genoa seem to be taking sides according to the value they put upon good faith. The Bolshevist leaders from Russia put no value at all upon it, and the Germans put very little. Both the Russians and the Germans represent Governments which have been outlawed and which - still bear the stigma of outlaws. They are governed somewhat by the psychology of the criminal, who thinks that, since every man's hand is against him, he is entitled to a living by his wits and is under no obligation to show good faith. When these nations were invited

MAY 3, 1922

(C) Underwood

TCHITCHERIN, RUSSIAN DELEGATE TO THE GENOA CONFERENCE, PHOTOGRAPHED IN THE GROUNDS OF THE HOTEL IMPERIAL AT SANTA MARGUERITE

to Genoa, they accepted certain conditions laid down. Britain needs very much the trade of both of these countries, and used her influence to induce the other nations to receive their acceptances in good faith. France had very good reason to be reluctant in this matter, for she has found that Germany, after giving her signature to the Treaty of Versailles, has ever since been seeking to escape performing her part of the contract. There was every indication that France was approaching Germany in a mood of reconciliation. It is reported by a certainly not over proFrench British correspondent, J. L. Garvin, that one of the French Cabinet Ministers, de Lasteyrie, was taking the train from Paris in order to have a thorough financial discussion with the Germans when, presto! the Germans did their best to justify all the French fears by announcing their treaty with Russia, which at best has added new difficulties to the observance of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles.

Of course all this has gone to prove, what seemed obvious before, that under present circumstances in Europe it is

impossible to hold an economic conference which is not primarily political. THE BOLSHEVIKI'S AIM

OR thus doing much to justify in the

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eyes of the world the course of France toward her, Germany has been charged with stupidity. Perhaps Germany is not as stupid as she seems to be. The world's memory has proved short, and the sort of things Germany did only a few years ago are passing into oblivion. Germany apparently can count on other nations' forgetfulness. What she has done in this instance is to secure at least a finger-hold upon the rich resources of Russia, and she is - probably ready to gamble on the chance that the Allies will overlook this act of bad faith as they have overlooked a great many other such acts.

The Germans were told that, since they had made this arrangement with Russia, they could not be admitted into the discussions of Rusian affairs, and they accepted their exclusion with apparent meekness. Moreover, they, as well as the Russians, were told that the Allies would preserve the right to declare any provisions of the Russo-German treaty which are in conflict with other treaties (for example, the Treaty of Versailles) null and void.

The Russians were told, too, that if they were going to continue in conference with other nations they must not be too truculent. The Allies' experts on Russia had met in London and prepared a report on Russian affairs which the Bolsheviki scorned in a statement which was issued by one of their officials. France promptly refused to sit with the Russian representatives until they made an explanation. In the meantime Tchitcherin, the Russian Foreign Minister, had issued a note in reply to the Allies' demand. The Allies had notified the Bolsheviki that their fifty billion dollar bill (which Dr. W. F. Johnson, in an article in this issue, exposes to the light of an incident in American history) was quite unacceptable. Mr. Tchitcherin withdrew the bill. The Allies had told the Bolsheviki that they would "write down" the war debts owing by Russia and postpone payment of interest, and even omit some parts of the arrears, and Mr. Tchitcherin agreed-naturally. The Allies had set certain conditions concerning the payment of debts and damages to foreign nationals; Mr.

Tchitcherin presented some counterconditions, among which was the very important one that the Bolshevist Government should be recognized. When this apparently mild note appeared, it was explained that this superseded the truculent letter first issued, and the French thereupon resumed relations with the Russians.

In all of this the aim of the Bolsheviki is obvious. They are in desperate need of two things in order to retain their power over the Russian masses. If they get those two things at Genoa, they will go home highly pleased with themselves. One thing is recognition. The other thing is money. They have found that their plan to revolutionize the world by destroying the governments of other nations and the medium of exchange is futile. They had so conducted themselves that they won and deserved international ostracism. According to an Associated Press despatch from Moscow, the Bolshevist Government had issued up to the last of March twentyfive trillions (that is, twenty-five thousand billions, or, if you please, twenty-five million millions) of paper rubles since the first of January of this year. That seems incredible; but the whole Bolshevist scheme is incredible except for the fact that it happens to be one of the facts of an incredible era. Now these Bolsheviki find that if they are going to exploit the Russian people further they have got to have the backing of other governments not only politically but financially. So they present their fifty billion dollar bill, and present other preposterous demands, and then blandly offer to withdraw everything provided they get recognition and cash.

THE PROPOSED

TEN-YEAR-PEACE TREATY

T is perhaps not surprising that in the

I'hi to Lloyd

George's proposal for a ten-year pact of peace all around sounds rather ingenuous to those peoples who have suffered most from the criminal exploits of the German Militarists and the Russian Reds. Indeed, it would not have been surprising if the French had suggested that before they made any more pacts perhaps it would be well to see that those already made were observed.

Indeed, Premier Poincaré is reported to have declared in a speech at Bar-leDuc, France, that all France has ever asked and all that she asks to-day is the execution of the Treaty of Versailles. "That," he is quoted as saying, "we must have and shall have. The peace of Europe depends upon it." He is reported as going still further in explicit statement by saying that he hoped that the Allies would be able to act in unison, but that France was prepared

to take the matter in her own hands, as the Treaty of Versailles authorizes, in order to protect her rights and interests. There has been a tendency in France toward a radical reduction of her military organization. Poincaré has been one of those who have cautioned his country against too rapid action in that direction, and now he points to the course of Germany and Russia as justifying his Cabinet in "daring to insist for the moment on eighteen months' military service."

Officially, however, the French Government is readier for compromise than Poincaré's speech would indicate-indeed, quite as ready for compromise as any one who knows what France has been through during the past two generations has any right to expect. The French delegation, in a statement concerning Lloyd George's proposal for a ten-year-peace treaty, has said: "It must be made clear that Germany and Russia have no aggressive intentions before the rest of Europe can agree to any such pact. If it involves the neutralization of frontier zones, it may be useful. If it involves later some form of reduction of armies, it may be beneficial. France is ready to reduce if others do so, because this would decrease expenditures, but it must affect everybody and be without a loophole for violation."

France of course is right in saying that a peace treaty had better be written in something else than water.

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sembled the efforts of a man who seeks to increase the length of a piece of string by cutting off one end and tying it on the other. Congress is apparently unwilling to find any new funds for the bonus, for it is still keeping an expectant eye upon the payment of interest money on our foreign loans. At present the thought of Congress involves using interest payments from Great Britain.

Such funds, if they are received, cannot be properly applied to the bonus. Such interest should be applied to our own Liberty Bonds. For our bonds were in part sold to the Nation for the purpose of securing funds to loan to our allies. If Congress wishes to prove its sincerity in the matter of bonus legislation, let it collect the needed money by the imposition of new taxes frankly levied for the purpose of paying the bonus.

The political aspects of the bonus question are accentuated by the fact that it is proposed to increase the cash payments provided for in the House bill and to abolish some of the really constructive features, such as the land settlement plan which was incorporated in the original measure put forward by the

Legion. That land settlements and industrial loans can be of practical and permanent assistance to ex-soldiers has been proved by the example of Canada.

In an early issue of The Outlook an article on the Canadian system of loans to soldier-farmers will be published. BUYING OFFICE WITH WITH PUBLIC FUNDS

WR

E do not always agree with Senator Borah. But we have never doubted his independence of spirit and his readiness to fight for his convictions. This characteristic has been manifest in his public career ever since he rose to National prominence through his prose cution of the case against the murderers of ex-Governor Steunenberg.

If the Legion Post of Pocatello, Idaho, had realized this fact, they might have withheld their threat to drive Senator Borah out of public life because of his opposition to the bonus. In reply to the telegram from this Post Senator Borah said:

I observe in your telegram the threat which you impliedly make as to future political punishment. It was wholly unnecessary for you to make this threat. It reflected no credit upon you and it has had no effect whatever on me. When you come to that fight in which you propose to inflict punishment, you will doubtless be able to say many things in the way of censure upon my public service.

But one thing neither you nor any one else will be able to say, and that is that I ever sought to purchase political power by drafts upon the public treasury, or that I chose to buy a continuation in office by putting $4,000,000,000 upon the bended backs of American taxpayers.

I haven't much respect for the man who buys office, even though he pays for it with his own money. But the most slimy creature which disgraces American politics is the man who buys office by paying for it with appropriations out of the public treasury and charges his venal political obligations to the taxpayers.

Senator Borah's denunciation of the politician who pays for his re-election with appropriations from the public treasury constitutes an outstanding definition of an evil which is Nation-wide. It is particularly effective because it is accompanied by an act which might involve serious personal sacrifice.

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