taken in the establishment of peace based upon principles essential to the permanent welfare and tranquillity of the Far East. The German Emperor telegraphed as follows:

Just received cable from America announcing agreement of peace conference on preliminaries of peace. I am overjoyed; express most sincere congratulations at the great success due to your untiring efforts. The whole of mankind must unite, and will do so, in thanking you for the great boon you have given it.

In acknowledging this latter despatch Mr. Roosevelt expressed his appreciation of the Kaiser's co-operation at every stage in the effort to bring about peace. This should set at rest any contrary suppositions. King Edward telegraphed :

Let me be one of the first to congratulate you on the successful issue of the peace conference, to which you have so greatly contributed.

As to Mr. Witte's "diplomatic victory," the consensus of English opinion seems to be expressed by the London "Outlook," which says:

In the matter of indemnity, Japan yielded to inexorable conditions; in the matter of Saghalien, she allowed herself to be outgeneraled.

Mr. Roosevelt's part in the negotiations was also abundantly recognized. The London " Speaker's" comment has special point:

Those who, like ourselves, always mistrusted President Roosevelt's policy and blamed him for certain definite acts, yield to none in recognizing the great service he has rendered the world, to the gratitude of which he is entitled. It is to his initiative, untiring energy, and refusal to despair of the successful outcome of the conference that peace is largely due.

The negotiations which The History of the have now reached so Peace Treaty satisfactory a conclusion had their inception almost exactly three months ago with informal conferences at the White House, on June 1, between President Roosevelt and the Japanese Minister, Mr. Takahira, and on the following day between the President and the Russian Ambassador, Count Cassini. The President had several months before this sounded the St. Petersburg Government as to its willingness to con

sider the terms of peace known to be then in the minds of the Japanese statesmen, but without result. At the interviews of June 1 and 2, however (the battle of Mukden and the battle of the Sea of Japan having occurred in the interim), the prospect of peace seemed more encouraging. The American Ambassador to Russia, Mr. Meyer, under explicit and minute instructions from Washington, secured an audience with the Czar at Tsarkoe-Selo, and the result, together with the already existing knowledge of Japan's attitude, was such that the time was deemed ripe for formal proposals. An identical note was therefore sent on June 7 to Tokyo and St. Petersburg. We give it here entire:

The President feels that the time has come when, in the interest of all mankind, he must endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict now being waged. With both Russia and of friendship and good will. It hopes for Japan the United States has inherited ties the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels that the progress of the world is set back by the war between those two great nations.

The President accordingly urges the Russian and Japanese Governments, not only for their own sakes but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct nego tiations for peace with each other. The President suggests that those peace negotiations be conducted directly and exclusively between the belligerents; in other words, that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates without any intermediary, in order to see if it is not possible for those representatives of the two Powers to agree to terms of peace. The President earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to such a meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise to agree.

While the President does not feel that any intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace negotiations themselves, he is entirely willing to do what he properly can, if the two Powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid, in arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. But if even these preliminaries can be arranged directly between the two Powers, or in any other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace.

This note, both in substance and expression, received the approval of the statesmen and the press of the entire world. Japan accepted the proposal

within two days, Russia within the week. Discussion as to the place of meeting followed: Paris, The Hague, Chefoo, and Geneva were mentioned, but each for pretty obvious reasons was unacceptable to one or the other of the parties involved. Washington was suitable in all ways but for its summer heat, and this disadvantage was obviated by the choice of Portsmouth, where the United States Government was able to furnish a suitable building for the use of the plenipotentiaries in conference and to guard the secrecy of their proceedings. The choice of envoys was naturally a most important matter: Japan, with little hesitation, named Baron Komura, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Mr. Takahira. Russia showed some hesitation; the appointment of Mr. Muraviev was actually made, but was withdrawn and the name of Sergius Witte substituted at the last minute, while Baron Rosen, the present Russian Ambassador at Washington, was made his associate. The Outlook has published personal articles about all of these men and need not here describe their qualifications and experience. On Saturday, August 5, Mr. Roosevelt introduced the plenipotentiaries of the two nations on board the Mayflower, and on that occasion offered the following toast and wish:

Gentlemen, I propose a toast to which there will be no answer, and which I ask you to drink in silence, standing. I drink to the welfare and prosperity of the sovereigns and the peoples of the two great nations whose representatives have met one another on this ship. It is my most earnest hope and prayer, in the interest not only of these two great powers, but of all civilized mankind, that a just and lasting peace may speedily be concluded between them.

The actual sessions of the conference began at Portsmouth on August 9, and the Japanese terms were presented. The history of the ensuing demands and counter-demands, concessions and refusals, and of the final recession on August 29 by Japan from certain of its earlier positions and the immediate acceptance of the reduced conditions by Mr. Witte, has already been told in full from week to week in The Outlook, in so far as these facts were allowed to become known publicly.

The War in Retrospect

In the terrible conflict ended at Portsmouth last week after twenty months of warfare, the Japanese lost no engagement of any consequence either at sea or on land, while Russia retires from the war with her navy all but annihilated and without a single land victory worthy of the name to her credit. Rough estimates of the money cost of the war to Russia and Japan are a thousand million dollars for the first and half that amount for the second. In all, Russia is supposed to have had about 800,000 men in the field, Japan perhaps 700,000; while the number of men killed or disabled by wounds or illness has been roughly estimated at 375,000 for Russia and 250,000 for Japan. The Japanese total was, on the one hand, increased to larger proportions than one would expect by the terrible slaughter in the early stages of the attack on Port Arthur (probably their most serious error in the whole war was the belief that they could capture that all but impregnable fortress by frontal attack), and, on the other hand, was kept down by Japan's superb medical and sanitary organization, in which the best attainments of Western nations were far surpassed. Looking for the most salient events of the war, one finds on the naval side three critical episodes: the sudden attack on the Russian war-ships at Chemulpo and the night attack at Port Arthur on February 8 and 9, 1904; the naval battle off Port Arthur on August 10, with the following fight with the Vladivostok squadron four days later; and, finally, the tremendous battle of the Sea of Japan on May 27 and 28. By the first Japan crippled the sea power of her enemy seriously at the outset; by the second it was made clear that if Russia was to contest Japan's supremacy at sea, naval reinforcements must be had; by the third, those reinforcements, after a voyage of seven thousand miles from the Baltic, were at one blow destroyed, captured, or driven helpless and crippled into foreign ports. In the war Russia lost about fifty battle-ships, cruisers, and destroyers, Japan about nine; while Japan's navy, through captures and the raising of sunken Russian ships, is stronger at the end of the war than at

its beginning. Not one Japanese ship surrendered in the war. Four Russian admirals perished in the war, while Admiral Rojesvensky has been in Japan's hands a wounded prisoner; on the other side no naval officer of this rank, we believe, was lost; while Admiral Togo, and in a less degree Admirals Uriu and Kamimura, have won place in the highest rank of the world's great naval victors. In the military field Japan's unbroken list of victories reaches from that at the Yalu River (May 1, 1904) to the occupation of Saghalien, after beating down slight resistance, a few

weeks ago. Marshal Oyama, in supreme military command, has given semi-independent authority to Generals Kuroki, Nogi, Oku, and Nodzu, and their strategy has been remarkable for the precision and effectiveness with which their armies have acted, now separately, now unitedly. In the siege of Port Arthur for about six months the Japanese were baffled by the Russian defenses; over thirty distinct attacks are recorded; the surrender (January 2, 1905) put in General Nogi's hands General Stoessel's force of about 45,000 men and 775 guns; the total casualties on both sides have been put at about 125,000. With this exception, the plan of campaign was carried out steadily, progressively, and, in a large sense, "as prearranged." The successive steps in the Russian retreat through Korea and Manchuria toward Harbin were the battles of the Yalu River, Nanshan Hill and Kinchow, Telissu, Liaoyang, Sha River, Hun River, and Mukden. The last named was by far the greatest land action of the war, and indeed of all modern history. Its front extended for over eighty miles, and Russia's casualties were double Japan's and not far from 90,000, with a loss, it is said, of about 40,000 prisoners. The total number of men engaged in this battle was not far from 750,000.

Last week Mr. Pierpont MorThe Hankau gan had an interview with Railway President Roosevelt concerning the concession to the American China Development Company of the right to

build a railway from Canton to Hankau. The stockholders of that company met on the following day and decided to sell the concession back to the Chinese Government. It is understood that that Government's offer is $6,750,000. This is perhaps the most valuable railway grant ever bestowed by the Chinese Government to foreigners. It followed in 1898 that Government's grant to a Belgian syndicate to build a railway from Hankau to Peking. Thus the two roads together would form the great north and south trunk line of China, the east and west line being a waterway-the Yangtse River. There has been continued trouble with the American concession. The Chinese never acted fairly and squarely with the prospector who reported on the desirability of the enterprise, with the constructor who actually built twentyodd miles of road, or with the capitalists who have been endeavoring, against great odds, to develop the enterprise normally and not in a spirit of "graft.” The recent boycott of American goods, merchants, and teachers also extended to the American railway. Rioting occurred. The Chinese Government put into execution what it had before justly threatened when Belgian purchases of the stock seemed to indicate a change in ownership; it canceled the American concession, offering to pay $6,750,000 indemnity. Many Europeans in China, as well as the Americans there, have deprecated the surrender of the concession, because it was as important politically as financially. A blow to American prestige in China ought, they said, to be avoided. Many stockholders, however, recommended an acceptance of the Government's offer. They showed every desire to do what American interests in China demanded, but maintained that the Imperial Government's attitude left to them no other course. The statement has appeared in a number of journals, American and foreign, that the matter had some connection with the peace negotiations between Russia and Japan, and the announcement of the surrender of the concession, coming within a few moments of that of the agreement on peace terms, lent some force to the supposition. There is, however, no base for the rumor.

It

is true that Japan has a concession for a road from Fuchau to a point on the Hankau line, and it is not impossible that she may obtain the concession for building the Hankau line as well; if so, she will probably need foreign capital, and turn to America for it. Under existing circumstances, the management of Chinese railways by a Chino-Japanese company, backed by American capital, would seem to indicate to our investors the line of least resistance.

India's New Viceroy

It is apparent that the British Government has acted wisely in sending to India as Viceroy a man with both civil and military training, as the probability of harmonious relations between him and the General whom Great Britain now evidently thinks it necessary should remain on guard over her Indian Empire is thereby greatly increased. The new Viceroy, Gilbert John Elliot, fourth Earl of Minto, was born in 1845 and hence should now be in the prime of matured wisdom and experience, such as are needed in the ruler of the great Indian Empire, with its millions of subjects and with at least one powerful and ambitious rival in Asiatic empire on its northwestern boundary, now regarded by Lord Kitchener as the Empire's danger point. Educated at Eton and Trinity College, Cambridge, Earl Minto has had that wide and varied experience, civil and military, which fits for rule-an experience such as is rarely possible to any one except to a subject of Great Britain's world empire. Entering the Scots Guards and winning place and honor, then serving as a newspaper correspondent in Paris in the stormy days of the Commune and afterwards seeing service in the Turkish War of 1877, serving under Lord Roberts in the Afghan War in 1879, in 1882 we find him fighting in Egypt in the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, and in 1883-85 in Canada as the Military Secretary to Governor-General the Marquis of Lansdowne. In 1885 he was Chief of Staff in the Northwestern Canadian rebellion. This varied experience, how ever, did not avail him when in 1886 he became a candidate for Parliament, and

he was defeated. He was appointed Governor-General of Canada in 1898, and retired last November. His service in Canada cannot be pronounced as specially brilliant or significant of his abilities as a ruler, as the chief duty of the Governor-General is "doing nothing" and maintaining as pleasant relations as possible with both parties. It may be remarked, however, that Great Britain never chooses any but able and diplomatic men for that important post, and the training it affords ought to be specially valuable to the Earl in a post of honor in India which is second only to that of the King. A fact which renders his appointment of historic interest to Americans is that one of the family was a Lieutenant-Governor of New York before the Revolution. Another member of the family was also a GovernorGeneral of India in 1807-almost a

century ago. There is every reason to believe that under the circumstances his appointment to the highest position under the Crown is a fortunate one. While there is general regret expressed in England over the resignation of Lord Curzon, it is recognized that Lord Kitchener is needed in India, and, that being the case, it is essential that there should also be a Viceroy more in sympathy with Lord Kitchener's plans for the defense of India than was Lord Curzon. zon. Accepting the appointment after Kitchener's preponderant place in military matters in India has been duly recognized by the home Government, there will be no necessity for disagreement between the Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief, and it is confidently expected that they will work together harmoniously in building up and strengthening the Indian Empire.

party in the Philippines has been an effective weight in overbalancing the faction of selfish and materialistic Americans who have little sympathy with the natives. Last week, moreover, at a meeting in Manila, twenty visiting Congressmen gave to any Filipino who had grievances to make known an opportunity for a hearing. Representative Jones, of Virginia, acted as the Filipino "semisponsor," and arranged to give all a chance to speak. A number of so-called agitators were present. Many of the speakers were impracticable. One native, for instance, is reported to have discussed the argument against independence based on the lack of a common language in the Philippines. He replied by comparing the tribal tongues in the Philippines with the three different languages spoken in Great Britain-English, Scotch, and Irish the implication being that the difficulties thus encountered in Great Britain might be perfectly well overcome in the Philippines. Indeed, this meeting seems to have proved not only a wise safety-valve for dissatisfied natives, but also a pretty convincing evidence for the Congressmen present that the Filipinos are altogether unfit for independ

ence.

On another page we print a letter from a special correspondent with the Taft party on the significance of the reception accorded the party in Japan. With the new position attained by Japan as a result of this war, it becomes increasingly important that our relations with the East, made especially intimate by our possession of the Philippines, should be stable, and our Eastern policy wise. It is therefore particularly happy that such a considerable number of our public men, especially those responsible for National legislation, should be seeing with their own eyes at this time the region and people whose interests they will be called upon to consider and pro

while simultaneously a second Hague Conference became almost a certainty for the near future. Practically all the parliaments of the great nations were represented by delegations sent to the Brussels Congress. Brussels Congress. The very first action. of the Congress was to recognize President Roosevelt's two conspicuous movements for universal peace-the bringing together of Russia and Japan, and the calling of a second Hague Conference; and resolutions of appreciation and thanks were unanimously and enthusiastically adopted. This country also assumed first prominence in the most important matter brought before the Congress for discussion. This was the report by Mr. Bartholdt on behalf of the United States of a series of resolutions which outline a model arbitration treaty and a plan for a permanent Congress to be submitted to the approaching second Hague Conference. The project of a permanent Congress of Nations was in these resolutions urgently recommended, and a basis of organization and representation for such a congress submitted. As these proposals are likely to be the subject of future discussion the world oyer, we give them here in full:

First-An International Congress of two houses, a Senate and a House of Deputies.

Second-Each nation to have two representatives in the Senate, and representation in the House of Deputies proportionate to its international commerce.

Third-Each nation to choose and maintain its own representatives in the International Congress, and to have power of recalling them at any time. The term of office to be eight years, unless otherwise fixed by each nation for its own representatives.

Fourth-Each member to have one vote. Fifth-Majority to rule in all matters, and concurrence of both houses necessary.

Sixth-Each nation to have the right to withdraw at any time from the Congress.

Seventh-The territorial and political integrity of each nation represented in the Congress to be respected by all nations represented.

Eighth-Deliberations of the Congress to be confined to matters which directly affect intercourse between nations, and its resolutions limited to the declaration of general rules or principles for the conduct of such intercourse, and these resolutions to be recognized as law by the nations, unless they are vetoed by an agreed number of national parliaments.

Ninth-Each nation to treat all other nations on equal terms in matters of commerce,