whether they be or be not represented in the International Congress; except that any nation can raise a commercial barrier against any other nation equivalent to such other nation's tariff wall.

Tenth-While remaining in the Congress, each nation to have the right to arm itself according to its own judgment.

Eleventh-War to remain a lawful mode of action in any dispute, except as the several nations agree to refer controversies to arbitration by special or general treaties of arbitration.

Twelfth-The armed forces of all the nations represented to be at the service of the Congress for the enforcement of any decree rendered by the Hague Court, according to treaties of arbitration.

Even more interest was excited by Mr. Bartholdt's so-called "model treaty than by the plan for the international parliament. Its main provision was certainly novel and almost startling— namely, that the plan followed in the Treaty of The Hague should be reversed in method although not in purpose. Mr. Bartholdt would have the nations bound to submit all questions at issue to international arbitrament, but would release them from any obligation to accept the award made. Under the present treaty each nation may decide for itself whether or not a particular dispute comes under the definition of those which need not be arbitrated; but, having once submitted a question, it must accept the award. The projector of this idea argues that, paradoxical as it may seem, better results would ensue, because the justice involved in any question would be made clear to the world by the arbitrators, and, morally, the pressure to follow a just reward would be overpowering; while if the questions submitted really involved national existence, honor, or self-respect, this would become equally clear to all the world, and no blame would attach to a nation which refused to accept such an award. Mr. Bartholdt's plan to reverse the policy adopted by the Hague Treaty is so radical an innovation that it seems at best, for the present at least, impracticable. Its ingenuity, however, cannot be denied. The delegates generally seemed of the opinion that the magnitude of the scheme for the permanent international parliament required mature consideration. Count Apponyi, of Austria-Hungary, declared: "The American idea of

an international parliament to define international law precisely is a grand and bold movement characteristic of American initiative; but American boldness must be combined with European caution." His proposition that the subject should be referred to a committee to report in three months was cheerfully accepted by Mr. Bartholdt.

Mr. Jerome and the Mayoralty Campaign

These three bodies

The approaching election for Mayor and other city officers in New York is now heralded by the discussion as to anti-Tammany candidates. At a conference held last week, the Republican organization, the Citizens' Union, and the body known as the Municipal Ownership League discussed the possibility of uniting forces in opposition to Tammany Hall. are fairly well agreed in their opposition to Tammany; they have yet to come to an agreement on candidates and campaign issues. The Republican party was the first to formulate the issue, which it stated to be "whether the city government should be administered in the interests of the public utility corporations and the leaders of Tammany Hall;" and it favored the "establishment of a public lighting plant which will secure the benefits of cheaper and better gas [the italics are ours] to every inhab itant of the city." This resolution has startled more than one stanch Republican paper in New York into a little soberer consideration of municipal ownership than has been apparent heretofore. The Republicans having brought an issue to the conference, the Citizens' Union brought a candidate, the present District Attorney of the County of New York, Mr. William Travers Jerome. Although the Union made it clear that Mr. Jerome had given no explicit consent for the use of his name as candidate for Mayor, it persuasively set forth Mr. Jerome's qualifications for the office. Certainly Mr. Jerome has exhibited a high degree of executive ability and great discrimination in his appointment of subordinates. The Municipal Ownership League, an organization in which Mr. Hearst, of newspaper notoriety, is the moving spirit,

naturally approved of the issue of municipal ownership, although the League would have preferred a more unqualified statement; but it distinctly expressed its opposition to Mr. Jerome as a candidate. This it based on two grounds: first, because of Mr. Jerome's alleged animosity to organized labor (he has sent, it will be remembered, more than one labor leader to prison for graft); second, because of his alleged prejudice against the Jews (one, at least, of the lawyers whom he has convicted for rascality is a Hebrew). We do not believe that these appeals to class and race feeling will succeed. It is not necessary to be lenient with scalawags in order to be friendly with all classes and all races. Certainly the important principle of municipal ownership will not gain adherents, although it may gain nominal supporters, by the resort to unworthy political tactics. The Republicans and the members of the Citizens' Union may disagree as to Mr. Jerome's fitness for the office of Mayor, but it should be for other reasons than those offered at this conference. A more genuine objection to Mr. Jerome is that he has not been identified with the municipal ownership issue; but the platform prepared by the Citizens' Union, favoring municipal ownership, not necessarily involving municipal operation, has been, it was announced, read and approved by Mr. Jerome. Afterwards, however, Mr. Jerome stated that he would "not under any circumstances be candidate for the office of Mayor." He still desires to be renominated by petition as District Attorney. He is certainly the most interesting political figure in New York to-day.

sas has a far different viewpoint on this question to-day than it had six months ago. It is even doubtful if a State refinery law could now be adopted. Business men generally outside the oil counties (twelve out of the one hundred and five counties of the State) were, it is believed, opposed to the refinery. They looked upon it as a doubtful financial venture and as tending toward Socialism. Sentiment, on the other hand, was largely for it. "There was," says an exceptionally wellinformed Kansas correspondent of The Outlook, “ something thrilling in the picture of a great State throttling the mighty oil trust-the same kind of thrill that in Populist times came from descriptions of Kansas's coming conquest of Wall Street. It did not matter that but $400,000 was to be used against the Standard's millions, or that but two thousand barrels of oil were to be refined out of a daily production of fifty thousand barrels—the idea was fascinating." The fight against monopoly in oil in Kansas now rests with the independent refineries, backed by the new laws regulating freight rates on oil, making pipe lines common carriers, and preventing discrimination between localities in selling "We are satisfied,' refined products.

said the manager of one of the independents. "The State refinery would have been but another competitor, and a serious one, as it would have sold refined oil at cost." oil at cost." Eight or ten independent refineries may be in operation by midautumn if present plans are carried out, half of them owned by large investors, the remainder built from hundreds of stock subscriptions solicited through flaring advertisements in the Western papers. Scarcely a town or hamlet in Kansas and adjoining States is not represented by a shareholder in one of these companies. Immense profits and huge dividends have been promised. These refineries are to be of varying capacity, probably none at the beginning more than two thousand barrels a day. Most of them are said to have acquired enough oil land adjoining the sites to furnish the oil needed for operations; they will not be important factors in the purchase of producers' oil. The recent course of the Standard Oil Company is

thus described by the correspondent above referred to:

During the winter, when agitation was highest, it suddenly ceased buying oil and ordered all work in the Kansas field stopped. This probably fanned the flames more than any other action. As soon as the Legislature adjourned, it resumed taking oil of the better grades, lowering the price, however, in successive diminutions until it has reached approximately fifty cents a barrel for the best oil and twenty cents for the heavy fuel oil. These prices are little more than half those paid one year ago, and much lower than when the excitement was fiercest. All the time

the Company has been extending its pipe-line building until it now has a double pipe from the heart of the field to Kansas City, where is located one refinery, and a single pipe to Whiting, Indiana, where are the largest refineries in the country. In addition, it has begun a campaign of storage. A force of men capable of completing every day one steel tank holding 35,000 barrels was working during June, and on the "tank farms are these huge receptacles-at Caney and Humboldt in Kansas, at Ramona in Indian Territory, and at Cleveland in Oklahoma. It is estimated that 8,000,000 barrels are now in storage, and, if the producers will sell, 25,000,000 barrels will be in the Company's tanks and pipe lines by the end of the year. The production of the field has so extended that it is now given at 62,000 barrels a day. This is believed to be the Standard's present plan: To gather an immense stock of oil, bought at a price scarcely above the cost of getting the oil to the top of ground. Then for a long time it will be in position to place refined oil on the market at a figure lower than the independents, yet not face loss in so doing. Lack of complete organization prevents the producers from refusing to sell oil at these low prices. Most of the producers are stock companies; investors are scattered in

many towns and are engaged in other business. They clamor for dividends; none have been paid in some companies for a year. By selling the oil that can easily be pumped, or perhaps flows without pumping, something may be realized.

The

een cents respectively, or five cents a gallon more. It uses approximately 12,000 gallons of oil of all kinds each month; the saving, $500 monthly or $6,000 a year-a sum not to be despised in the economy of a country town. saving to the entire county of which the place is the business center is $10,000 annually. Has the Standard Oil Company suffered? Probably very little, says our informant. In the instance given above the reduction of freight accounts for about four cents a gallon. The charge for freight from Kansas City under the old rate was $1.52; under the rate fixed by law it is 34 cents. The remainder of the difference is accounted for by conformity with the anti-discrimination law. At a neighboring city where is an independent oil company's salesmen a lower price had always prevailed; now the towns are on an equality, freight considered. The railroads lost four cents, the Standard one cent. In most towns the saving in freight is the whole difference. Two methods of relief for Kansas producers have been considered. The first of these was a pipe line to the Gulf of Mexico, with a fleet of steamers from Port Arthur to Europe and New York to furnish an outlet for independent producers. Present indications are that this plan cannot be carried through immediately. The second plan is the utilization of oil for fuel. The Santa Fé Railway has conducted experiments in burning oil instead of fuel in its passenger engines. It was estimated that it cost slightly less than coal, with some advantage in handling. Many threshingengines in the Kansas wheat-fields have been fed with oil during the summer successfully. One town is planning to heat its school-houses with oil. Oil-burning inventions for household purposes are being introduced in the West. Factories are experimenting with oil as fuel. The prospect is for an extension of the utilization of crude oil in the West that may reach important dimensions. Long freight hauls for coal and consequent high prices for fuel give opportunity in this direction. From the purchases made by the independent refineries there is little present hope for the producers; their operations are as yet largely experi

mental; even if profits be satisfactory and their existence permanent, they have before them a long, severe struggle with the oil trust, equipped as it is with vast stores of oil, prepared with thousands of miles of pipe lines, fitted with refineries, and served by an army of expert work

men.

Christianity in China

While the Chinese merchants of Shanghai and other places have been showing their resentment against the action of the United States, which they consider a Christian nation, and have directed their retaliatory acts against all Americans, including missionaries, other Chinese have refrained from transferring their resentment to Christians as such, Indeed, the very acts of Christian nations of which the Chinese complain are roundly condemned by missionaries. These are as thoroughly convinced as the Chinese themselves that the name of Christian in China must remain under

disrepute so long as Christian America inflicts indignities upon Chinese students and Christian Britain forces opium upon the Chinese Empire. But that the name of Christian is not in disrepute everywhere in China is evident from the status of Christianity there. The last

national Christian Endeavor Convention for China, for instance, was one of the first strictly religious gatherings of Christians to be addressed by Chinese officials. It augured well to see three high officials of the city of Ningpo, where the convention was held, with Bibles in hand following the address by Dr. Arthur Smith on the duties of Chinese Christians to those in authority. The General Secretary reported three hundred and fifty societies. The Convention represented sections from Peking, Canton,. and far up the Yangtse Valley. In spite, therefore, of anti-American feeling, which is not easily distinguishable from anti-Christian feel ing, the attitude of the Chinese toward Christianity is in marked contrast with that of, say, fifty years ago. When the Rev. Charles Hartwell went to China in 1853, fourteen years before there were any trans-Pacific mails, and four years before any native Christian was bap tized, he encountered distrust and sus

picion. When, after fifty-two years of service, he died this year, there were present at his funeral five generations of native Christians, officials of various grades sent messages of condolence or called in person to express their sympathy, and General Sung sent his band of music to accompany the procession.

Social Studies in the Churches

An "Industrial Commit"" tee was appointed last October by the National Congregational Council, to promote the study of economic conditions and their social problems by the churches, especially in the questions at issue between capital and labor, and to cultivate a good understanding between the churches

and the labor unions. This Committee has been organizing its work, and is to hold "industrial conferences" with representative labor leaders and employers, annually, if possible, in various sections of the country. The programme which the Committee proposes to follow in its investigations, while it includes many conferences, is of wider scope, and is points likely to be discussed in these here reproduced as a map of the whole field that may be serviceable to others :

1. Child Labor: Comparative study of legislative regulations of various States. Prevalence of child labor in mines, textile industries, manufacturing industries, etc. Physical and moral effect of child labor.

2. Organized Labor: Its prevalence and rate of growth. Its necessity on industrial grounds. Its excesses. Its relation to Christian ethics.

3. Immigration: The character of our immigrants. The localities and industries most frequented by them. Their effect upon our social and industrial system. The best means to assimilate them.

Industrial

4. Industrial Organization: growth. Industrial friction. Conditions of industrial harmony.

5. Socialism: Utopian Socialism. Practical Socialism. Socialism and Christianity. The country from Maine to Colorado is strongly represented in the Committee, among whom are Dr. Gladden, Professor Graham Taylor, and President Tucker. Reprints of the valuable report of last year's "Labor Committee," with bibliography, that was adopted by the Council, can be obtained of the Secretary, the Rev. F. W. Merrick, Ph.D., West Roxbury, Massachusetts.

dent

Who has brought to an end the bloodiest and most desperate war of modern times? Who has secured peace? The "man with the big stick;" the man who has been accused of "ostentatious bluster," who was going to embroil this Nation with the nations of Europe if the people elected him President in his own name, who, according to some descriptions, was a veritable Sir Andrew Aguecheek. It is altogether gratifying that of all the praise offered to the President none is heartier than that which comes from those quarters where doubt of his sincere inclination to peace has been most intense and least concealed. Yet it is as certain as anything can be that in the future, when the President argues for a big navy, commends target practice, and rehearses the advantages of being well armed, he will be regarded by some as abandoning the path that led him to his eminence as pacificator. The fact is that it is just because Mr. Roosevelt has typified to the world American courage and daring that he has been enabled to bring these two warring nations to agree.

The President has won this moral victory, therefore, because he has followed, without wavering, two definite and consistent principles: first, Be ready to compromise on unessentials; secondly, Decline to compromise until justice is secured.

When, after the Battle of the Sea of Japan, Mr. Roosevelt saw an opportunity for suggesting peace negotiations, he faced a situation resembling that which Mr. Lincoln faced at the crisis of the Civil War. The extreme abolitionists had seen that he had shown a tendency to compromise; they regarded him as an opportunist. But Mr. Lincoln realized that in order to accomplish his end, expediency was essential; the end was the maintenance of the Union; he was willing to use expediency in dealing with slavery. That he did emancipate the slaves does not affect that fact. The Emancipation Proclamation was a war measure which Mr. Lincoln adopted in order more certainly to

the extremists and won his victory. Similarly, Theodore Roosevelt was beset by extremists, though not in his own land. The war party in Russia was unrelenting. Nevertheless, Mr. Roosevelt suggested a peace conference. When, after weeks of negotiation, the only points undecided were those of territory and indemnity, the sole obstacle to peace consisted in the influence of the extremists about the Mikado and the Czar. Mr. Roosevelt believed that essential justice had been won, and, using his good offices, he prevailed upon the warring Powers to compromise-Russia ceding territory, Japan waiving indemnity. As Lincoln succeeded in spite of the protest of the abolitionists, so, in spite of the desire of influential Russian jingoes and an overwhelming majority of the Japanese people, Mr. Roosevelt, mingling wisdom with high purpose, has brought this gain to humanity.

The other principle, moreover, on which Mr. Roosevelt has acted, is just as clear as the first. The man who has brought peace in 1905 is the same as the man who prepared for war in 1898. It is outside opinion, not Mr. Roosevelt, that has changed from the days when he was dubbed " unsafe," dangerous,' bellicose." When war is necessary, he works for war; when peace, real peace, becomes possible, he works for peace.

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By his action the President has justified his conviction that there is but one kind of peace that men should desire, and that is the peace that men are willing, if need be, to fight for. Suppose some ruler had intervened before the outbreak of the war, and had induced Japan and Russia to acquiesce in the conditions then existing. He would have achieved one kind of peace, but only at the sacrifice of justice. He would have satisfied the coward, who, rather than endure pain or face danger, would be willing to see greed for Manchurian forests unchecked, robbery of Japan unrebuked, and commercial freedom in the East throttled. He would have satisfied the sentimentalist who dreads oppression less than physical suffering. He would have saved the world a fearful conflict, but he would have secured a shameful