notified from Henry's representatives at the papal court as required to meet expenses. The great fact in the history of the papacy in the reign of Gregory IX was, of course, the quarrel between the emperor and the pope. We are not concerned with either the origin of the difficulties or with the course of events, except in so far as England was brought into the matter in her relations with the Holy See. Both the emperor and the pope had written their view of the situation to King Henry. In his reply to the latter the English king had expressed his grief at the sorrow caused to Gregory, but hints that he thinks the emperor has something to say on his side. He had, he writes, shown the letters received from the emperor Frederick to the pope's clerk, "Master Stephen," who was then with him, and by his advice had written in return to beseech the emperor not rashly to "depart from the duty owing to you and the Church, but humbly to obey and follow your directions." On the other hand the king did not hesitate to express his hopes "in the spirit of all fidelity and obedience, by which he is bound to such a father and lord," that should Frederick make any advances towards reconciliation, Gregory will receive him into peace.1

The same day the king dispatched his letter to the emperor. Whilst compassionating Frederick's wounded imperial dignity, he expresses his regret that the "enemy of mankind" has been able to sow discord between him and the Roman Church. He trusts that the pope may be somewhat moved by his prayers and advice, since he is more "bound to him by great and special obligations than to other earthly princes." And he further hopes that the emperor on his part will not " despise the hand of the Church, which is stretched out against him."

One of the important pieces of business transacted by the royal agents in the Curia, in the first years of Pope Gregory, had reference to the king's coming of age. It has been pointed out already that Henry announced his determination in the February of 1227 to rule his kingdom from that time without further assistance from the governor appointed over him. There were many of the nobles and others, who saw in this fresh evidence of the ascendance of de Burgh, and of his determination to remove the still youthful Henry from the influence of Peter de Rupibus, bishop of Winchester. The gathering distrust and dislike of the ju ticiar was not unknown to the king. and he took measures to obtain the pa; al approval of his design to take the reins of government into his own han is Honorius III, however, died before anything could be done in the matter, and it was not till the beginning of 1228 that there are indications that the affair was again being mooted in Rome. The first sign appears in a letter from Gregory IX, directing that certain tournaments which were being held in Engg and should be put a stop to It had been represented to him, he says, that certain barns and nobles were taking advantage of these meetings to discuss the king's policy, and even to make compacts to resist it This, if not checked, might lead to a serious disturbance of the peace of the kingdom. The pope, therefore, takes advantage of the attitude of disapproval wh h the Church has always maintained t wards these tournaments, inasmuch as they frequently lead to loss of life, to prohibit them alt gether, and he auth rises certa.n bishops to excmmunicate any who persist in taking part

in them

A few weeks later, in the April of 1228, the pe

addressed the nobles of England directly upon their king's determination to rule, in deed as well as in name, and gave the project his approval. Even rulers, he says, whilst young, are rightly placed under tutors to prevent any rashness incidental to youth. This should last till they were grown up, unless an unwonted quality of prudence should supply the defect of age. And "though our beloved son in Christ, Henry, the illustrious king of England, is in years a youth, he is already, as we rejoice to hear, possessed of a man's mind, and has made such progress (in the qualities) of age and prudence, that what is wanting to him in years seems to have been made up to him in the virtue of discretion, and so there is no longer any reason to prevent his ordering, usefully and prudently, the kingdom and its affairs." Gregory then commands all by his "Apostolic letters" to give their help and cordial assistance to the directions he has given to the bishop of Winchester and the justiciar, to allow the king the full and free use of his royal authority. Any one that opposes this is to know that he lays himself open to the penalties of excommunication.1

The continued hostility of the emperor Frederick to the pope made the latter naturally all the more anxious to secure the support of other Christian kings, and to prevent any chance of hostilities breaking out between them. He exerted himself from the first, as has been already pointed out, to secure a continuance of peace, or rather of a truce, between France and England, which all during this period appeared to have been of a very precarious nature. Henry sent his ambassadors to Louis of France with every desire to carry out what "has been ordered us by the lord pope' in this matter. And, upon the French king pleading that

1 Rymer, i. 190.

2 Ibid.

he could make no lasting peace without the consent of the count of La Marche, to whom he and the queen mother, Blanche, were bound under oath not to do so, Gre; ry IX writes to his legate, Romanus, either to compel the court to release them, or, in the event of his refusal, to declare that such oaths were illicit and consequently not binding So anxi us was the pope about this matter, that the nunc.), Master Stephen, the pope's chaplain, threatened Henry "with_ecclesiastical censures if his commands were rit obeyed," and the king gives this as his reason for not at once proceeding tɔ attempt to recover from the French king the ancient English possessions over the sea ‚1

In the year 1223 a serious disagreement between Archbishop Langton and the king is recorded by the annalist of Dunstable. It was apparently on a matter which affected the privileges of the See and monastery of Canterbury Langt in produced ancient royal charters in su; port of bis claim, and on the plea that the archbich is had never male use of such rights, Henry objected to reuse these charters, but he afterwards gave way, and allowed the claims advanced by Langt n. Before the settlement of the dispute, however, the archbishop became seni usly ill and was carried in a litter to Sir Ln, where he died on 15th July, 1228

› Royai Latteri, 1–545

* Rymer, & 191

CHAPTER VII

TROUBLES AT CANTERBURY AND THEIR RESULT ON the very day of Langton's death, King Henry once more attempted to reconcile the emperor Frederick with the pope. He made another personal appeal to him; his only object, he says, being "to bring about the peace of the Church and to wrest a triumph from the enemies of the cross of Christ." He exhorts the emperor to remember "the honour due to God and Holy Church," and before undertaking his journey to the Holy Land to seek reconciliation with the pope. It would redound, he says, to his honour and glory; and he prophesies that, if the projected crusade were undertaken for God and with the Church's blessing, many would be found to aid him in the work.'

About this time the king asked the pope to sanction the removal of his father's body from Worcester to Beaulieu. King John had apparently made a vow to be buried in that monastery, which he had founded; but on account of the troublous times during which he had died, it was thought better that his body should be buried near at hand. Now, however, "kneeling at the foot of your holiness," Henry says, "by the bearer of this present letter we beg you lovingly to permit" the proposed removal. The royal agents in Rome at this period also asked the pope to unite the two Sees of Waterford and Lismore, in Ireland. The bishop of

1

Royal Letters, i. 331.

2

Rymer, i. 192.