exceedingly common in our author; he goes from past to present and back again, all through this Satire. The moderns do the same thing, see i 59, note. 59: velut urgeat Auster, "as if the south wind drove him on ;" "as if the south wind were blowing," which it did in autumn, 56 57, note. It would necessarily be unfavourable to the fish being kept fresh, Praesentes Austri coquite horum opsonia, Hor. Sat. ii 2 41, and leni fuit Austro captus (of a boar). Whereas, says the poet, it was winter, and there was no necessity for hurrying. It may be remarked, that whether it was winter or summer, there would be a very strong necessity for a fisherman to hurry, who wished to take a fish all the way from Ancona to Alba; but the tone of the whole Satire is that of burlesque, and such a difficulty need not trouble us. 59, 60: Servabat occurs in one line, and servat in the next, after a kind of trick of the poet's.

:

60: lacus, Lago Albano. 61: Alba, the favourite residence of Domitian, Mart. v i, Stat. Silv. v 2 168. The scholiast says that when the Romans, under Tullus Hostilius, destroyed Alba, they would have removed the sacred things to Rome, but they were prevented by a great hail-storm. Vestam minorem, i.e., compared with the temple at Rome. 65 Atriden is the Emperor: Agamemnon was "the king of men." Picens, the fisherman, because Ancona was in Picenum. 66: privatis majora focis; cf. iii 203, note. 67: stomachum laxare saginis, the same meaning as ventrem saginare. Jahn reads here saginae with the sense "relieve your stomach (by emetics), to make way for the fish." If there were MS. authority for this, if would be preferable. 69: Ipse capi voluit. I have often thought that this might be a parody on Martial, ix 32 5. The epigram in question is on the subject of a goose which Velius Crispus had offered as a sacrifice to Mars on behalf of this same Emperor Domitian. Dum comes Arctois haereret Caesaris armis Velius hanc Marti pro duce vovit avem; and the poet adds quite seriously, Ipse suas anser properavit laetus ad aras (see note to Juv. xii 5), an expression to the full as ludicrous as the ipse capi voluit of the text. Martial has another expression recalling this one, on a bee enclosed in amber, Credibile est ipsam sic voluisse mori, iv 32. 72: laudatur dis aequa potestas, is addressed, in fulsome terms, as equal to the gods. So dominum regemque, salutat, viii 161. Here again, Juvenal may not impossibly have had in view the fulsome epigrams of Martial on the tyrant. potestas may here be used personally, "a potentate," as tum sic jocata est tanti majestas ducis, Phaerdr. ii 5. "His majesty, the great Emperor;" cf. Suet. Domit. 13, where this tyrant styles himself Dominus et Deus noster.

Statius calls the

Emperor's palace divina domus, and the Emperor deus. scd deerat mensura. It must have been like a turbot mentioned by Martial, Quamvis lata gerat patella rhombum Rhombus latior est tamen patella, xiii 81. 72: sqq. The Senators are called in to pronounce their opinion on the turbot. Such an event may have taken place. Pliny the younger speaks of the time of Domitian as one cum senatus aut ad otium summum, aut ad summum nefas vocaretur, et modo ludibrio, modo dolori retentus, numquam seria, tristia saepe censeret, Epp. viii 14. Pontificis maximi jure, seu potius immanitate tyranni reliquos Pontifices, non in regiam, sed in Albanam villam convocavit (Domitianus), Plin. Epp. iv 11. This was with regard to the Vestal Cornelia, above 10. 74: miserae magnaeque amicitiae, v 14. Pliny has amicitiae tam superiores quam minores, friendships with those above, and those below you, Epp. vii 3. insignes amicitiae, the friendships of the great, Tac. Hist. i 10. magnae inimicitiae, Id. ii 53. We should, rather, reverse the terms; "a distinguished, and a very miserable, friendship." 75: Liburno, iii 240, note. 76: Currite, jam sedit. They might well be in a hurry, cf. 146, note. 77: Pegasus was an eminent jurist. He had lately been appointed Praefectus Urbi, which, says the poet, meant nothing more at this time than the Emperor's bailiff. attonitae expresses the condition of the city and the whole Roman world at that dreadful period, semianimus, 37. 80, 81: Temporibus. . . Justitia. He was not firm enough. He thought that justice, unarmed (divested of her terrors), was sufficient to cope with the abuses round him. 82: Crispi jucunda senectus, 39, note. Vibius Crispus, an orator often mentioned by Quintilian, who speaks of him as vir ingenii jucundi et elegantis, v 13 48. Tacitus speaks less favourably, Hist. ii 10. A well-known bon-mot of his is related by Suetonius, Domit. 3. 84: clade et peste refer to Domitian. Others render, "in those fatal and accursed times." Plautus calls a parasite, jocularly, clades calamitasque, Capt. iv 4 3; and Nero is styled pestis in Sen. Oct. 240. malum, fulmen, etc., are similarly used of persons. 86: violentius, "more ticklish," Gifford; and this is very near the meaning. The Emperor's courtiers and friends felt that their lives were in his hands, when talking to him on the most indifferent subjects, "the weather and the crops," as we should say; a fortiori if they had presumed to offer advice. So Crispus did not attempt it. I do not think there is any particular emphasis on amici; cf. 74 75. pendebat, "hung suspended in the balance." Pliny, in his panegyric on Trajan, describes the miserable fears of those who were brought into contact with Domitian, in terms which, mutatis mutandis, would apply to any

tyrant (c. 48), and which throw a light on this Satire. Observabantur foribus horror et minae, et par metus admissis et exclusis. Ad haec ipse occursu quoque visuque terribilis: superbia in fronte, ira in oculis, femineus pallor in corpore, in ore impudentia, multo rubore suffusa. Non adire quisquam, non alloqui audebat, tenebras semper secretumque captantem; nec umquam ex solitudine sua prodeuntem, nisi ut solitudinem faceret, a passage which exhibits the vigour of Tacitus and Juvenal.

89: sqq. He was not the man to swim against the stream, or to make a martyr of himself by speaking his mind; so he reached a good old age, 93. armis is evidently armour for defence, and must not be rendered "weapons." 92: vitam impendere vero. So patriae impendere vitam, Lucan ii 382. vitam impendere famae, Stat. Silv. v 1 63, where rependere is another reading. 94: Acilius. This is in all probability the father of M. Acilius Glabrio, the juvenis of the next line. The latter was consul with Trajan, A.D. 91, and afterwards put to death by Domitian, as related by Dio. lxvii 14; who also says he fought in the arena, though he represents him as having done so by order of the Emperor, not voluntarily. 96 festinatis annis raptus, Mart. vii 40, i.e., "prematurely." 96, 97: olim... est. This, Heinrich says, is a striking conjunction of a past adverb with the present tense. There is another instance in Juvenal, vi 346. Audio quid veteres olim moneatis amici. Olim nescio quid sit otium quid quies, Plin. Epp. viii 9. Where olim means "often," it is commonly followed by the present; so also quondam in the same sense. In the above instances it means "long since." We might say, "long since, an old nobleman is a prodigy." 97: prodigio senectus. This is, of course, a poetical exaggeration, after the manner of all satirists. Compare vi 594, xiv 220. 97: fraterculus gigantis. The Giants were fabled to be the sons of the earth, yуVET. Obscure men, who had no ancestry to speak of, were also called sons of the earth, progenies terrae, Pers. vi 57 ; terrae filius, Ib. 59. We speak of "mushroom nobility," in the same So Sous of the sense. The poet says "I would rather be a diminutive member of the giant family, and like them have no pedigree, than be a nobleman in a time so dangerous to men of mark." 100: Figebat i 23. Numidas. This is a substantive used adjectively as Numidas leones, Ov. A. Am. ii 183. cineri Sychaeo, Virg. Aen. iv 552, &c. 101: intelligat, miratur. For the subjunctive in one clause, and the indicative in another, Heinrich refers to iii 296, Ede ubi consistas, in qua te quaero proseucha; but the construction there is not quite the same, cf. 130 note. Juvenal says, it is all very well for the patricians to try to curry favour by fighting in the arena, &c.; but every one is

:

up to their tricks now-a-days. We are no longer in the period when Brutus could impose on Tarquinius Superbus, barbato regi, a king of the old school. Roman beards had been usually shaved since B. C. 300. Not long after the date of this Satire, the fashion of wearing the beard was reintroduced by Hadrian. 104 quamvis ignobilis, "though he was not a nobleman," and consequently was not exposed to so great a risk, 97. 105: Rubrius. This may be Rubrius Gallus, who deserted Nero in his contest with Otho. There was also another Rubrius Gallus, consul suffectus in A. D. 101. But nothing certain is known either of the man or of his offence. 106: satiram scribente cinaedo is by some referred to Nero, who, besides epic poems, viii 221, seems to have written satires, Suet. Domit. i, and cf. Ner. 52. 107: Montanus. This may be Curtius Montanus, exiled on the charge of libelling Nero. He is often mentioned by Tacitus, and two letters of the younger Pliny are written to him. 108: amomum was an Assyrian shrub, described by Pliny, H. N. xii 13. Perfumes were generally supposed by the poets to come from Assyria. Canos odorati capillos Dum licet, Assyriaque nardo Potamus uncti, Hor. Od. ii 11 15. Assyrios odores, Tibull. i 3 7. matutino means simply that he perfumed himself in the morning, instead of waiting till dinner time. 109 Corpses were smeared with unguent. Persius speaks of one crassis lutatus amomis, iii 104. Compare the above-quoted passage from Tibullus, Nec soror, Assyrios cineri quae dedat odores. Aromatics of various kinds were placed on the funeral pile. For passages illustrating this custom, cf. Becker's Gallus, Excursus 12, "Interment of the Dead." 110: Pompeius. Nothing is known of the man. He is said "to cut people's throats with a whisper," because he was the cause of their being put to death, iii 37 and 116, vi 414 415.

112: Mart. has an ep. on Fuscus, vi 76. He commanded an expedition against the Dacians, in which he perished. Hence he is represented as "preserving his entrails for the vultures of Dacia." Two different senses have been assigned to the words marmorea meditatus proelia villa: (1) that he studied the art of war in his marble villa; (2) "that the degrading life of a Roman senator of his day did not suit him. He longed for active service," Macleane. I think the first is the meaning; it is far more forcible and agrees better with the satirical tone of the preceding words, qui vulturibus servabat viscera Dacis. Nor need we be very much embarrassed by the fact that this same Fuscus had really been a distinguished man in the field, many years before this, when he was vigens aetate, Tac. Hist. ii 86. Our author is not always remarkable for historical accuracy. This man, in later life, had become a courtier of Domitian, and so the poet sneers

at him; it is only a sneer, no worse. The same remark may be applied to Montanus 107 of whom all that we know otherwise than from this Satire (and xi 34, if he be again mentioned there) is very favourable. meditatur proelia occurs at vii 128, of a statue with a lance in its hand

113: Veiento (iii 185 note) and Catullus are coupled together by Pliny, Epp. iv. 22, where the latter is spoken of as luminibus orbatus. He was blind. It has, however, been held by some commentators that he could not have been entirely deprived of sight, otherwise his praise of the turbot, 119 sqq., could not have pleased the tyrant. But those who indulge in this sort of criticism, seem to me not to apprehend the manner of Juvenal, especially the whole tone of this Satire. He often introduces his most powerful effects, regardless of minutiae, and in so doing, assumes no more than the usual poetical license. Supposing the whole of this scene to have had a foundation in fact, the details are, of course, invented by Juvenal, who was not there to witness them, and who, knowing Catullus to have been blind, put him in to heighten the effect. 116: dirusque a ponte satelles. The commentators all take this to mean, "formerly a comman beggar at the bridges, now a dreaded satellite of the tyrant." The bridges seem to have been favourite stations for mendicants, v 8 and xiv 134, where aliquis de ponte is used for "a beggar." In sublicium pontem me transfer, et inter egentes abjice, "suppose me reduced to beggary," Sen. de Vit. Beat. 25. Mart. x 5 3, xii 32 25. But if Catullus Messallinus, who had filled high offices in the reigns of Vespasian and Titus, really had been a beggar originally, the two following lines, 117 118, which represent him as worthy of being one, would lose a great deal of their force. I think satelles a ponte means 66 a satellite, such as one might pick up at one of the bridges," "a beggarly flatterer." (Mr Escott has "a beggar, fresh from the bridges," apparently ignorant of the fact that Catullus had been a Roman governor, and most probably a consul, many years before this.) 117: The Arician hill swarmed with beggars, Mart. i 19 3, xii 32 10. 118: blanda, "sweet,' satirically. This is better than to translate "fulsome." jactare basia here, and in Phaedr. v 7, and Mart. i 4 (according to one reading) is the same as jacere oscula, Tacit. Hist. i 36. a facie jactare manus, Juv. iii, "to blow kisses." non qualia in lupanari solent basiola jactari, App. Met. x 225. 121: Cilicis. Cilician gladiators were common. ictus; cf. vi 261, monstratos perferat ictus. It means here the cuts and thrusts of the gladiator, i.e., his swordsmanship. pegma a stage-machine of great height, which was raised and lowered at pleasure, Dict. G. and R. Ant. "Pegma." They were