same source pervade her whole system; give sinews to her strength, wisdom to her councils, intelligence to her people, and dignity to her national character. But for these she could never have either achieved or maintained her independence, and were it possible to separate from her population, all that has been derived from the laws, institutions, and literature of my native country, personal liberty, security of property, freedom of thinking and of speech, and last of all, true and vital religion, with all the moral effects which have flowed from these, would vanish like a dream, and an American contemplating the dreary void, would have good reason to sigh, "Fuimus Troes!" Few, probably, of sober reflection and impartiality will be found to deny the truth of these positions; then why should Britain be hated by an American?-why should he not rather overlook a little of that feeling towards the United States, which was scarcely separable from the circumstances in which the two countries were placed by the revolution, and was too long kept alive by errors in the conduct of both governments, towards each other; but the inveteracy of which is now, I trust, rapidly decreasing, and will soon be remembered only as a subject of regret, and a powerful reason for future kindliness and friendship. It is the characteristic of noble minds to forgive injuries; and with all our faults, there is confessedly so much in our national character deserving of respect, and even of imitation, that

ANNIVERSARY ORATION.

51

Americans must certainly be themselves in no small degree of error, if they do not feel a warmth of affection towards their parent country.

Mr. Gray's speech is probably rather a favourable specimen of the anniversary orations of the Fourth of July, and a specimen or two of its contents may not be uninteresting.

"This," says the orator in commencement, "is a glorious but a solemn day. Set apart for the celebration of independence, a common object of enjoyment and solicitude to us all, it ought not to be disturbed by controversy, nor wasted in mere exultation. It should remind us of our high responsibility, as well as our distinguished blessings; and direct our attention to the origin of the national privilege now commemorated, since this, like others, can neither be appreciated nor preserved, without a knowledge of the principles on which it is founded, and the `means by which it was established. This duty of recurring frequently to the establishment of our independence, fortunately perhaps for its performance, is also a triumph; for there is not on record a revolution more sound in principle, more temperate in conduct, more beneficial in result.

"The encroachments of the British government on the liberty of the Colonists were the commencement of our revolution. But these cannot be assigned as its cause; oppression not being of itself sufficient to produce liberty. Many nations have

ORATION-VISIT TO A SEVENTY-FOUR GUN SHIP-PROCESSION - LUNATIC ASYLUM PENITENTIARY DISCIPLINE HARVARD

OF FREE NEGROES

AMERICAN

PRISON

UNIVERSITY

NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW-BOSTON ATHENÆUM-HONOURABLE ACT OF BENEVOLENCE-STATE OF RELIGION-SERMONS-HEAT OF THE WEATHER-FROG CONCERT-FIREFLIES.

Boston, July, 1818.

DURING the period which has elapsed since the date of my former letter, I have traversed several hundred miles of this western continent, and after visiting both Upper and Lower Canada have arrived by a circuitous route in Boston; I delay however, for the present, giving any account of my Canadian travels, as it is probable that a better opportunity will afterwards occur, and proceed rather to make you somewhat acquainted with the ancient capital of New England.

Boston occupies a small peninsula in Massachusetts bay, and possesses a safe and commodious harbour, strongly defended from maritime attacks. The commerce of Boston is very considerable; probably in this respect it ranks as the fourth city in the United States, for New York, Philadelphia, and I believe New Orleans, are before it.

borne a heavier yoke than that which it was attempted to impose on this, and uttered no murmur; some have had the impatience to complain, without the courage to resist; while a few have been goaded into desperation, only to waste their strength in illdirected and ineffectual struggles, and to fall at last feebler victims. Nor are we indebted for independence to the peculiar talents of the individuals, illustrious as they were, who placed themselves in the front of danger, as the guides and leaders of the people. Men determined to be free, will never want a leader to freedom, and those willing to endure despotism will never follow one. Exhortations to resist, as well as commands to obey, are dependent for their effect, on the temper and character of those to whom they are addressed. It is undoubtedly the conviction of this truth, which has induced you to select for the topic of the orations annually pronounced before you, not the injustice of your enemies, not the talents and virtues of the great men who occupied the posts of danger and of glory, during the struggle for the establishment of independence; but the feelings, manners, and principles, which led to that event."

He then traces the origin of the feelings which led the Colonists to declare themselves independent, to that spirit of reformation which pervaded Europe when their forefathers emigrated from its shores; and more especially to the selfdevoted enthusiasm of the Puritans, which led them