corporation at any given time depends more upon the personal equation than upon the presence or absence of competition."

THE COMMITTEE'S RECOMMENDATIONS

In making its recommendations, the Committee quite evidently holds no brief for the present management of the Interborough System, and it does take occasion to say a word of commendation for Mr. McAdoo and the management of the Hudson Tunnels. "Does any one doubt," says the Committee, "that, if Mr. McAdoo were placed in charge of the Interborough System, the attitude of the Interborough toward the public would be radically changed? Some day even the management of the Interborough may learn that the good will of the public is worth having for every reason. When this idea really reaches home, the Interborough will strive as earnestly as Mr. McAdoo now does to please the public. A system that is overtaxed, as the Interborough is overtaxed during the rush hours, cannot be expected to give service which will not be complained of. Perhaps most of the complaints against the Interborough originate in this condition of things. But there is room, as every one knows, for a change of attitude toward the public on the part of the Interborough management, which would make its service satisfactory in many minor respects as to which now it is a subject of just criticism. Such a change of attitude might come from competition, but it may also come without it." In spite, however, of this frank recognition of the shortcomings of the management of the existing subway system, the Committee feels constrained to "deprecate the adoption of a policy of competition which would forfeit all of the advantages pertaining to the Interborough offer which have been outlined, which would involve the city in useless expense, and in return for which, in the judgment of this Committee, the city would be likely to reap disadvantage rather than advantage." The Public Service Commission, and now the Joint Committee, have advanced strong arguments for the acceptance by the city of the Interborough offer. The Outlook has already stated its conviction that the

principle of competition is one that it is important to preserve in so far as is possible in the operation of rapid transit lines in large cities. The Outlook realizes, however, that this is a principle which may well be modified in its application at any specified time by other considerations and by existing conditions. The unanimous judgment of two such bodies as the Public Service Commission and the Joint Committee-the one composed of experts who have been studying the problem with the closest attention for many months; the other composed of broad-minded citizens who have given the most careful attention to the factors in the problem for a shorter length of time-should, in our opinion, have great weight with those who are neither experts nor in a position to make a careful study of the question.

HANDS OFF

A plan has been announced by Mr. John W. Alexander, the well-known painter and President of the National Academy of Design, and also by the governing board of the Academy, by a group of its influential members, and by others interested in the institution, to secure from New York City, as they hope, permission to erect an Academy building in Bryant Park fronting on Sixth Avenue and occupying the block from Fortieth to Forty-second Street, the land to be a gift from the city and the building to be erected from funds furnished entirely by the Academy. The opposition with which this plan has been received is the most important fact in connection with that proposition. It shows that New York has thoroughly made up its mind that it will not part with any portion of the open spaces reserved for recreation and health. These open spaces, whether they are playgrounds or parks, are altogether too small; there ought to be three times as much ground given to air and to recreation as is now set apart within the limits of Greater New York. This proposition was preceded, readers of The Outlook will remember, by a proposal to erect a building for the Academy in Central Park on the site now occupied by the Arsenal, and that plan was defeated by the vigorous protests made by the public against the surrender of any part of what might be

called the common lands of the city. The property between Bryant Park and Fifth Avenue is occupied by the new Library building, a distinct addition to the architectural features of New York. If the plans suggested by the gentlemen who wish to use the Sixth Avenue frontage of the park for the Academy building are carried out, the proposed building will run flush with the curb of the sidewalk, the latter passing through an arcade, and a comparatively narrow space would be left between the new building and the Library. The Outlook protests against this use of Bryant Park on the ground that New York greatly lacks park room, and that no further encroachment on the room which it now has should be permitted.

A GREAT ART BUILDING

That New York greatly needs an adequate picture gallery, and that such a gallery ought to be under the direction of the Academy of Design, no one interested in art in this city seriously questions. The Academy is now compelled to hang its pictures at its exhibitions on rented walls, and those walls are not adequate either to the needs of large exhibitions or permanently to represent the art interests and resources of the metropolis. There is at present a very important collection of the work of American artists in illustration on exhibition in another city, whence it will be taken to two or three other citiesChicago and Boston among them-but it cannot be exhibited in New York because no place is open to receive it. This is a state of things little creditable to a city which, more than any other American city, is the center of art production, whatever may be said of its artistic taste. The Outlook believes enthusiastically in Mr. Alexander's energetic and earnest endeavor to solve the question of housing the Academy and making adequate provision for art exhibitions; but it does not believe that the Bryant Park site would be adequate or proper. The new building for the Academy ought to be as noble a piece of architecture as the country is capable of producing, and it ought to be so placed that it can be seen from all sides, and its dignity, beauty, and size should symbolize the purposes to which it

is dedicated. If to erect such a building two blocks now covered by houses are necessary, it ought to be possible to secure from the metropolis a sufficient capital to put the Academy in possession of adequate ground. The new building ought to be a part of the higher resources of New York; under the direction of the Academy it ought to be a municipal building dedicated, in part at least, to the largest popular use. Mr. Alexander is one of the American artists who has proved his faith in the possibility of democratic art by making very important contributions to it. His mural work in the Carnegie Institute at Pittsburgh not only ranks with the best artistic work in the country, but it is thoroughly modern and local in its inspiration. Its motives were not taken from classical or Renaissance times; they were taken from Pittsburgh, and are treated with the courage and simplicity of faith which have been characteristic of great art in every age. If Mr. Alexander and his associates will elaborate a scheme great enough in its inclusion of all interests, his scheme would be equally representative of the metropolis and would appeal to the imagination of New York. It is the firm conviction of The Outlook that sufficient funds could be collected to turn such a dream into a reality.

THE ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION

When the bill providing for the incorporation of the Rockefeller Foundation, which placed in the hands of the Board of Trustees a vast sum of money, was introduced into Congress last year, exception was taken to several provisions on the ground that so great a fund, if improperly employed, or put at the disposal of some anti-social endeavor, might be used for the injury of the public; and so strong was the opposition that the bill was not passed. A number of important amendments have now been introduced for the purpose of freeing the bill of the provisions which Congress found objectionable.

These amendments provide that the capital of the Foundation shall not exceed one hundred millions of dollars; this amount, however, is not intended to cover advances in the value of the property after it has been received by the

cur

which will work in co-operation with a similar one in the University of Berlin, conducted by Professor Paszkowski. At these bureaus students may obtain all possible information regarding various educational institutions in Germany and the United States. In addition to the academic bureau of information, the American "Haus" is to contain a Germanic Institute, equipped for the study of German history and civilization under the direction of a competent scholar, with whom will be associated the Kaiser Wilhelm Professor of each year. The building is also to contain a private apartment for that professor during his term of service. The "Deutsches Haus" will be an important link in clinching the GermanAmerican connection as above outlined. The "Haus" is to be located near the University, and is expected to be ready for occupancy before the opening of the next academic year. It will do much to cement friendly German-American feeling in general, and in particular to emphasize the value of the Kaiser Wilhelm Professorship.

Foundation. They prohibit the accumulation of its income, which is to be " rently applied" to the purposes of the Foundation; thus preventing an undue accumulation of the Fund. The amend ments also provide that the names of trustees chosen by the original members named in the bill shall be submitted to the President, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the Presidents of Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Johns Hopkins, and the University of Chicago, and that such names must secure a majority vote of these gentlemen. Provision is also made for the distribution of any property held by the Foundation at the expiration of fifty years, in case the trustees think it advisable to make such distribution; and at the end of one hundred years Congress shall have power to compel the distribution of any of its principal. Power is also granted to Congress to impose at any time such limitations upon the objects of the corporation as it may deem the public interest demands, and all property in any form received by the Foundation shall be subject to the terms prescribed by Congress in the bill and its amendments, or that may be hereafter imposed by Act of Congress. It is believed that these amendments will prevent any use of the great fund in the hands of the trustees which may be inimical to the public good, or any future trustees from placing the great fund at the service of any special interest.

THE DEUTSCHES HAUS

AT COLUMBIA

Mr. Edward D.Adams, President of the Germanistic Society of America, whose benefactions have already been noted in these columns, has now added to them the gift of thirty thousand dollars to Columbia University for the particular purpose of purchasing and equipping a Deutsches Haus. This should be a distinct aid in the laudable efforts on the part of Columbia University and Harvard University to promote cordial relations between Germany and the United States. The "Haus" is to contain an academic bureau of information, to be under the direction of Professor Rudolf Tombo, Jr., now absent in Germany on sabbatical leave,

GERMAN-AMERICAN PROFESSORIAL INTERCHANGES

The gift of a hundred thousand dollars from an anonymous donor is also announced, making

it possible for the Columbia trustees to place the Roosevelt Exchange Professorship in the University of Berlin upon a more satisfactory basis, and also to consider the extension of the system of exchange professorships to other German universities. The gift calls renewed attention to the professorial exchange comprised under the present Kaiser Wilhelm and Roosevelt Professorships. They are the result of a long-standing purpose, made effective by the active support of the German Emperor over five years ago. The Emperor said to Mr. Tower, the American Ambassador, that, for the peace of the world and the advance of civilization, there should now be added to the diplomatic and commercial intercourse of the nations their more disinterested and altruistic intercourse through the intermediation of their educators, and that, above all nations, Germany and the United States should introduce this method of bringing the leaders of the

world's culture together. The purpose was carried out through the intermediation of two American universities, Harvard and Columbia, in the prosecution of two independent but not conflicting plans. The Harvard-Berlin professorial exchange follows the plan of the late Dr. Althoff, Ministerial Director in the Prussian Min

istry of Education. His advances were accepted by President Eliot, and in the autumn of 1905 Harvard sent out Professor Peabody to lecture at the University of Berlin. The Harvard system comprises an exchange of educators between the Harvard corps of professors and such educators as the Prussian Ministry of Education may propose. It is an interchange of professors who speak in their own languages on their own special subjects. On the other hand, the Columbia plan the outcome of a project formulated for more than twenty years-involves the appointment of men who speak in the language of the students on some topic connected with the history and institutions of their native land. The plan provides for the establishment of a professorship of German History and Institutions at Columbia, to be called the Kaiser Wilhelm Professorship, and for the establishment of a professorship of American History and Institutions in the University of Berlin, to be called the Roosevelt Professorship. Upon nomination by the Prussian Ministry of Education the Columbia trustees annually appoint the incumbent of the Kaiser Wilhelm Professorship, and from nominations by those trustees the Prussian Ministry of Education annually selects the incumbent of the Roosevelt Professorship. The latter is required to do his work at the University of Berlin for the winter semester, but may be sent by the Prussian Ministry to any other university for the summer semester; similarly, the Kaiser Wilhelm Professor is at Columbia only for the first half-year; during the second he may lecture at other institutions. In making a selection neither the Columbia trustees nor the Prussian Ministry are confined to the corps of professors in any university; indeed, a man may be selected without regard to any university connection at all. This plan was first laid before the Emperor and Dr. Althoff in August, 1905. Both heartily

approved it and, through their support and a munificent endowment by Mr. James Speyer, the plan became effective in 1906. The Kaiser Wilhelm Professors at Columbia so far have been Professors Schumacher, of Bonn; Leonhard, of Breslau; Penck, of Berlin; Rünge, of Göttingen; and Daenell, of Kiel. The Roosevelt Professors at Berlin have been Professors Burgess, of Columbia; President Hadley, of Yale; Professor Adler, of Columbia; President Wheeler, of the University of California; and Professor Smith, of the University of Virginia. Thus two admirable educational interchanges have now several years of impressive history behind them.

THE PADLOCK BILL

Last week the "Padlock Bill" passed the Spanish Cortes, or Parliament, by a large majority. The measure has become known as the "Padlock Bill" because it locks up Spain against the establishment of new religious "congregations" during the next two years. While this is taken by Papal extremists as an affront (persisting as they do in regarding the Vatican as a sovereignty and not as a church), more liberal-minded Catholics take another view. They admit that some such law is really necessary if, in its desire to revise the Concordat of 1851, the Spanish Government is to have an opportunity of negotiating with the Vatican on honorable terms. The Concordat, or agreement between the Spanish Government and the Vatican, declares that the Roman Catholic faith is the religion of Spain, provides for its support, protects episcopal rights and the already established religious orders. But it does not require the Government to allow monastic orders to be extended without limit. They have recently been alarmingly extended. The closure of monasteries and convents in Portugal a few weeks ago has resulted in the settlement in Spain of all the Portuguese monks and nuns-a striking addition to the already great increase in the numbers who have settled in Spain since the loss of the Spanish colonies, and more particularly since the expulsion of certain orders from France. While the power of the Spanish priest and the Spanish bishop is still legitimately a vital force, that of

the average monk and nun in Spain has become so discredited as to cause much popular aversion towards the religious orders, even among otherwise fervent Roman Catholics. Hence, to preserve and consolidate the Government's authority, it was long since recognized as desirable to limit the formation of more monastic and conventual establishments in the Peninsula. The policy of the present Radical Premier, therefore, logically follows the modifications attempted by his Liberal predecessor. Canalejas has now succeeded where Sagasta failed. The "Padlock Bill" will be, we trust, only the first link in a chain to bind the Vatican from obstructing popular progress. To be in line with present-day progress in Spain there should be a new Concordat which, while duly recognizing the Roman Catholic religion as the religion of the State, shall contain provisions limiting the Church's property holdings, prohibiting minors from entering monastic houses, throwing those houses open to legal inspection, and, above all, subjecting Church 'teachers to State inspection. If these moderate reforms are resisted by the Vatican, it is not improbable that they will be followed by an entire separation between Church and State in spite of the Vatican. But the impetus of the success already achieved by the Government should, we think, do something towards promoting at least a temporary agreement between Spain and the Vatican.

A PATTY-PAN REVOLUTION

66

a

It was

Emerson once spoke of the movement out of which Brook Farm grew as revolution in a patty-pan." Such a revolution has happened in Monaco. fortunately bloodless; the population is so small that a sanguinary revolution might have obliterated all the male citizens. Monaco is the smallest sovereign State in the world. There is a still smaller State in Italy, but it is under the control of the King. Monaco, on the other hand, is entirely independent. Its population consists of fifteen hundred people, of whom six hundred and fifty are voters. Prince Albert last year accorded to his subjects the right to elect a Municipal Council. This only whetted their appetite for freedom.

Monaco is the greatest gambling-place in the world. There are sometimes fifteen thousand foreigners in the place, gayly or in somber mood leaving behind them the toll exacted of them at the gamingtables of the Casino. The citizens of Monaco have felt that the millions of francs which go into the coffers of the Casino, in which the ruling Prince is a partner, should be expended with some reference to the interests of the citizens. They therefore sent a deputation to call on the Prince, who was in Paris, and present the popular demands. The Prince was otherwise engaged, as visiting princes often are in Paris. Not having the memory of any French revolution in his mind, he kept the deputation waiting a week, and then sent them word that he would be glad to meet them in Brussels. This contumacious treatment was a lighted match which ignited the accumulation of inflammable material in Monaco. Meetings were promptly held, denunciatory speeches were made, and matters went so far that the courtesies of the post-office were disregarded and the Prince was summoned home by telegraph. The Prince thereupon sent his son, the hereditary Prince Louis, to arrange matters. On arriving in Monaco this gentleman was received in dead silence by a crowd at the station. One lady who gave the usual welcome, "Vive le Prince Louis!" was answered by a shout of "Taisez-vous !" The Prince, who is said to be well-mannered and well-meaning, went to his palace through silent streets, and was there notified by the Municipal Council that he would have forty-eight hours in which to make up his mind, and that if he could not make it up in that time in accordance with the desires of the people, no one could tell what would happen. Under the circumstances the Prince thought it wiser to make up his mind and to notify his father of his conclusion; and in a few hours the absolute monarchy of Monaco was changed into a constitutional monarchy, under a Constitution which is being drawn up by a commission of French public lawyers. The first Parliament will number eighteen members. The only large thing about Monaco is its relatively enormous income, which, under the new Constitution, will be handled, not by the