In either view, they possess much interest. With almost all the great men of the period in which he lived he was brought, by his position in society, and the considerable part he took in public affairs, into frequent contact; and he was too acute and accurate an observer not to form a tolerably just estimate of the various interesting characters thus placed within the range of inspection. Indeed we cannot but regret that, with his superior powers and extensive opportunities of observation, he was not induced to embody in a separate work his parliamentary recollections, and the valuable floating anecdotes with which his memory was amply stored.

In the year 1780 Sir John (then Mr) Sinclair first entered Parliament, as member for his native county. His political opinions led him to support Lord North; and an offer which he made to second the address led to a friendly intercourse with the Minister. In the year following Mr Sinclair made his debut as a parliamentary orator, and shortly afterwards he published his first pamphlet, entitled, "Thoughts on the Naval Strength of the British Empire." This was favourably received, and soon followed by another. From this period forward he seems to have kept up a warm fusillade of brochures on matters naval, military, political, agricultural, statistical, and literary. Of these amounting in number to several hundreds-we believe there are few which do not contain much valuable information. Indeed it could not be otherwise. Whatever subject might engage the attention of Mr Sinclair, it was always his first object to gather into one focus all the facts and circumstances connected with it. In the pursuit of information he was indefatigable, and with his extraordinary industry, and the gift of a memory unusually retentive, it will readily be conceived that his mind became stored with a vast and increasing mass of valuable knowledge on a greater variety of topies than, perhaps, ever before engaged the attention of a single individual.

It was scarcely possible, therefore, for Mr Sinclair to write on any subject without communicating instruction. Indeed we can conceive nothing more convenient to the statesmen of the time than the prodigality

with which he poured forth his accumulated stores. Whenever any difficult or abstruse question engaged the attention of the legislature or the public, Mr Sinclair was sure to write on it, and to embody all the facts necessary to a sound conclusion which could be gathered from the records of past ages, or the testimony of living witnesses. Even those who differed from his conclusions were forced to admit the value and accuracy of his premises.

The tide of misfortune which flowed in upon the country with scarcely any remission during the whole duration of the American war, led Mr Sinclair to devise measures for putting an end to that unfortunate contest. Parties were then (1782), as now, rather nicely balanced in the House of Commons. The number of members in the habit of attending the House was about 430, of whom 230 generally supported the Ministry, and 200 the Opposition. Among the nominal adherents of each party might be reckoned about fifty, whose support was lukewarm and precarious, consisting chiefly of Lord Gower's friends and a body of independent country gentlemen, who acknowledged no leader, and voted according to their own judgment. Of course, in such circumstances a strong Government was impossible. The defection of sixteen members could at any time turn the scale.

In this predicament of party Mr Sinclair, convinced that any overtures for peace were not to be expected from Lord North, made a bold and active effort for the overthrow of his Government by means of a coalition. He held frequent conferences with the independent party,-represented to them the influence they might acquire from co-operation, and proposed, with their aid, that a Cabinet should be formed, embracing the leading members of the two great parties. Mr Sinclair strongly stated his conviction that in this manner, and in this alone, could the sinking fortunes of the nation be retrieved.

These views he not only enforced in personal communications with the different members, but in the pages of four pamphlets which he published on the occasion. The persuasions of tongue and type, however, were alike unavailing. A few of the members were prevailed on to meet occasionally

at the St Alban's Tavern for the purpose of discussing the prospects of the country, the proceedings of the Ministry, and a good dinner. In regard to the last of these subjects there existed perfect unanimity; the two former were met by greater reserve. Meeting after meeting took place, but concord of opinion was wanting, both as to the mode of action and the object to be gained by it. Mr Sinclair appears to have been the only active and zealous member of the party; and after much trouble, and much correspondence, and many dinners, the project died of mere inanition, and Lord North retained office till driven from it by a different influence. We give the following extract from the Memoirs, because it affords an apt and curious illustration of the impediments to be overcome in procuring active support for any new political project. It contains an abstract of the answers of the different members to Sir John Sinclair's communication, soliciting co-operation.

"Mr (afterwards Sir William) Pulteney is obliged by the perusal of the papers, and will attend as early as possible in the House of Commons, to receive farther explanations.'

"Lord Mahon consents to a resolution, reprobating offensive war upon the Continent of America against the British revolted colonies, as tending to weaken our efforts against the House of Bourbon.'

"Sir Herbert Mackworth, member for Cardiff, enters warmly into the measures suggested: he is detained in the country; 'but,' continues he, I beg you will consider me as one of your number present, and joining in the plan as one of the society I can very safely depute you my proxy, if it may be admitted on the present occasion, having a perfect confidence in the uprightness of your intentions, and abilities to adapt them to great public good.'

"Viscount Maitland (now Earl of Lauderdale) writes in great haste, expecting what he terms a motion of a conciliatory nature, declaring the inexpediency of the affairs of the country remaining in the same hands, without specifying who or what number ought to be removed.'

of Norfolk), will meet Mr Sinclair, and the gentlemen mentioned by him, at the St Alban's.'

"Mr Sibthorpe, member for Boston, 'will give Mr Sinclair's papers much attention in the first moment of leisure.'

"Mr J. Rolle (afterwards Lord Rolle) 'will attend with great readiness the next meeting at the St Alban's, and will be happy in co-operating with other independent members to support such measures as may appear to them for the real interest of his king and country.'

"Mr Lygon (afterwards Earl Beauchamp), having been called into the country, is much obliged by Mr Sinclair's recollection of a runaway,' and describes the county of Worcester in high spirits, thinking a change of Ministers implies every blessing that can restore a kingdom.'

"Mr George Ross being prevented from attending by illness, hopes that the meeting was numerous and respectable, and will send in the evening for a list.'

"Sir Henry Houghton, member for Preston, 'receives with great satisfaction Mr Sinclair's information that there is a prospect of an union of independent members of Parliament in some efforts to save their sinking country."

"Mr Brickdale, member for Bristol, 'will be glad at any time to communicate with Mr Sinclair on the subject of his plans.'

"Mr Montague, in six successive notes, assures Mr Sinclair, that he is full of zeal in the cause,' and will observe' secrecy,' adding, however, that, he is forbidden by his physicians not only to attend the House, but even to hold conversation at any length.'

"Mr Strutt, member for Maldon, enters warmly into Mr Sinclair's plans; has communicated them to Mr Bramston, Mr Sibthorpe, and Mr Bulloch; recommends caution; and proposes that the first meeting should consist of not more than ten or twelve members, 'for,' says he, every man, however shackled, wishes to be considered as free and independent.' He adds, Whether the present Ministry is equal to the conduct of the war, not for me to determine, and yet I wish a change of two persons. But I will be bold to say, that neither this nor any other Ministry can be active and frugal who have to contend with an Opposition so virulent and — as the present. I confine myself to the leaders and their particular adherents. Something must be done to compel the Minister, whoever he may be, to economy; and to excite to decided and vigorous measures: at the same time opposition must be silenced.'

"But perhaps the nature and objects of

the St Alban's Club, and the sentiments generally pervading its members, may be best collected from the following letter of Mr Gilbert, the member for Litchfield :

666 Lillyshall, 2d Jan. 1782. "Dear Sir,-I have been in the country ten days; but so much engaged in a variety of business, as to prevent my attention to those very important concerns respecting the public which have of late so much engrossed your thoughts and mine; however, from a desire to contribute the utmost of my endeavours to promote so excellent a plan, and to show that regard which is due to you for your very laudable exertions therein, I have retired for an hour or two from other affairs to resume the consideration of our favourite object, and to communicate my thoughts a little farther to you.

"I think we cannot do better service at present than by communicating our plan to such public-spirited members as we happen to be connected or acquainted with, who have the real love of their country at heart; all these, I doubt not, will cheerfully co-operate with and assist us, in a work so essential at this crisis, and which promises so much relief to this poor, I may add unfortunate, divided, and distracted country; at the very brink of ruin, whilst she is possessed of resources sufficient to extricate her from her present distresses, to make her a scourge to her haughty and perfidious enemy, and to raise her to a greater pitch of glory than she has ever yet attained; if they were properly

exerted, and her affairs administered with that spirit, equity, justice, and economy which they ought.

66

"I think with you, that we ought to be prepared with a plan for our coadjutors to look up to, for the speedy attaining these desirable ends; when that is settled, I trust there is virtue and spirit enough yet left in this country, both in the sovereign and the people, to accomplish the great and good work.

"Notwithstanding my engagements in private affairs, I shall devote many hours to the consideration of these most important concerns before I have the pleasure of seeing you, which I hope will be on the

20th of this month. I have been from

Cotton some days, and shall not return till Sunday or Monday se'nnight, having many

engagements in this and the adjoining counties. I have the honour to be, with the utmost respect, dear sir, your most faithful and obedient servant,

"THOMAS GILBERT."

Shortly afterwards a change of Ministry took place, and Lord Rockingham and the Whig party came in

to power. Lord North experienced the usual fate of an unfortunate Minister, in being deserted by many of those who had been among the most subservient while he remained in power. The following anecdote is interesting, as recording an authentic instance of gratitude in a Scotchman. We give it, in spite of the incredulity with which it will be received south of the Tweed.

Having quoted from my father's papers a few reminiscences of Lord North when in power, I may here add one anecdote of that Minister, long after his resignation. It is not often that fallen greatness receives testimonies of gratitude and good feeling from the objects of its former bounty. Lord North had much promoted the restoration of the forfeited estates in Scotland. Some time before that measure was agreed upon, young Cameron of Lochiel had been introduced to the Minister, who was so much pleased with his address as to remember him at a crisis when his patronage was most desirable, and to insist upon the Lochiel estate being added to the list of those to be restored. A relation of Lochiel took an opportunity to show the sense of obligation cherished by his family after the Minister was out of place, and blind. Having the captaincy of an East-Indiaman to give away, this gentleman (whose name was Cameron) wrote to Lord North, with the offer to ap

point any person whom his Lordship might

recommend. The retired statesman was much affected by this evidence of generous feeling, and declared, almost with tears, This is the only instance of undoubted gratitude that I have ever met with.'

un

The portion of the present work which is devoted to matters merely political, though full of amusing anecdote, is less interesting, we think, than that which relates to Sir John Sinclair's labours as an agriculturist and statist. In the former capacity his zeal for improvement was bounded, and in his native county his name will long be remembered as its first and greatest benefactor. That the whole north of Scotland occasionally benefited by his zeal, activity, and sound judgment, the following common with many others passage, in the work, bears ample and unanswerable testimony.

in

"Mr Sinclair was this year the successful promoter of a measure which formed, in after life, one of his most agreeable reminiscences. Scotland had twice been

visited with the miseries of famine, but in

"Another boon which, during the same session, my father contributed to obtain for Scotland, was not so important as the preceding, but was highly popular and acceptable. An act was passed, repealing the prohibition (19th George II.) of the ancient Highland dress. On his next journey through the Highlands, Mr Sinclair availed himself of this national concession by appearing in full Highland costume. On his way to visit Lord Breadalbane, passing through the town of Logierait, he had an amusing proof of the association established by recent events in the minds of Highlanders, between their ancient garb and the fortunes of the house of Stuart. Having quitted his carriage, he was enjoying on foot a ramble among the wild and mountain scenery of that neighbourhood, fol

lowed by a multitude of the natives, speaking Gaelic with great vehemence. An old Highlander at length accosted him in a cautious whisper, Sir, if you are come here in the good old cause, I can give you to understand that there are a hundred

gude men ready to join you, within the sound o' the bell o' Logierait.' These simple-minded people took my father for at least an emissary of Charles Edward, or perhaps for Charles Edward himself.'

From an early period of his life Mr Sinclair had devoted much attention to finance. In 1783 he published two pamphlets on the subject, which were well received by the public, and elicited expressions of approbations from Dr Rice and other eminent authorities on such matters. This induced him to embark in the arduous undertaking of writing a "History of the Public Revenue of the British Empire." In this work his object was to trace the public revenue and expenditure of England, from the most remote period down to his own time, and also to afford an analytical view of public revenue in general. The undertaking was novel. Nothing of the kind had been before attempted on a plan equally compre hensive. The information necessary for its completion was difficult to be acquired, and still more difficult to be sifted and arranged, from the vast number and complication of details. But no obstacle, however formidable, could depress the ardent mind of Mr Sinclair. In the execution of his task, he left no source of information, ancient or modern, foreign or domestic, unexplored. His list of authorities, as stated in the Memoirs, including historians, antiquaries, financiers,

biographers, and economists, amounted to the prodigious number of 713; and when we consider that a considerable number of these were works of great extent, and written in foreign languages, the amount of labour employed merely in research will excite astonishment. Certain it is, that it produced good fruit. The History of the Revenue is by far the most important work on financial statistics to be found in the literature of Europe, and must remain a standard-in all probability an unrivalled-example of the successful application of zeal and industry.

Perhaps the most interesting crisis in the constitutional history of England, during the last century, occurred on the first accession of Mr Pitt to power, when the Coalition party of Fox and North still continued to command a majority of the House of Commons. The latter were exasperated by defeat at the very moment when they felt sure of a triumph, and had Mr Pitt made a single false move in the great political game, it must have been irretrievably lost. But the young Minister showed that he was fully adequate to surmount the difficulties of the crisis. With the most consummate skill he steered through the rocks and shallows which surrounded him on all sides, and the Whigs for the next half century found themselves excluded from the Paradise (so it seemed to them) of office, and condemned, with the full approbation of the country, to the Pandemonium (so they felt it) of Opposition and empty pockets. At this exciting period Mr Sinclair seems to have taken a very active and useful part in support of the Minister. The following extract will show that his services were not unappreciated.

"In the arduous struggle of the young Minister against a majority in the House of Commons, exasperated by defeat at the very moment when they felt sure of a decisive triumph, the Member for Caithness gave him his most cordial support. The

importance of my father's services on this occasion appears from the two following letters, one from Mr Pitt himself, the

other from his confidential friend, J. J. Hamilton, Esq. (afterwards Marquis of Abercorn)

"My dear Sir,-I find the enemy circulating, that I said in my speech I would resign, in case of an address being carried. I take for granted, they think